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934 Urban Studies<br />

CEDDU (El Centro de Estudios Demográficos,<br />

Urbanos y Ambientales) was founded at the El<br />

Colegio de México in 1964 to study population<br />

and urbanization in Mexico and Latin America. In<br />

Chile, the Centro Interdisciplinario de Desarrollo<br />

Urbano was founded in 1968 at the Pontificia<br />

Universidad Católica (this followed establishment<br />

of the Comité Interdisciplinario de Investigación y<br />

Enseñanza del Planeamiento y del Desarrollo<br />

Urbano with the support of the Ford Foundation<br />

in 1964). The Instituto de Estudios Urbanos was<br />

established in Colombia in 1997.<br />

The case of Finland is particularly interesting.<br />

The Centre for Urban and Regional Studies was<br />

launched in 1968 as a joint venture of Finnish<br />

universities and as a multidisciplinary research<br />

and educational unit. Not until 1998, however,<br />

did the University of Helsinki devote professorships<br />

to urban studies. These professors were<br />

financed jointly by the university, the City of<br />

Helsinki, and the Ministry of Education. Initially,<br />

only six were funded, though later the number<br />

was expanded. This did not lead to the establishment<br />

of urban studies programs, however; the<br />

professorships were located in already-existing<br />

academic departments such as history, geography,<br />

and social policy.<br />

Outside the United States, then, urban studies is<br />

mainly blended into the social sciences and architecture.<br />

It lacks a separate identity and to the<br />

extent that it is relatively distinct from other fields<br />

of knowledge, it bears the influence of U.S. urban<br />

studies.<br />

Empirical research and theoretical explanation<br />

common to social science research in the United<br />

States has long dominated the field. Although the<br />

empirical bias of urban studies was challenged in<br />

the 1990s by a renewed interest from the humanities<br />

in things urban, the commitment to explanation<br />

was not abandoned. Within the new cultural<br />

studies and older American studies programs,<br />

scholars turned to the city to explore such topical<br />

issues as popular culture, race and ethnicity, consumption,<br />

and immigration. Much of this work<br />

revolved around the interaction of place and identity<br />

and the nature of the urban experience, particularly<br />

as it occurred on the street. Indicative of<br />

this cultural turn was the emergence of the Los<br />

Angeles School of Urban Studies. Mainly a project<br />

of geographers, it cast Los Angeles as the<br />

emblematic urban region of twenty-first century<br />

urbanism. Moreover, it de-emphasized the political<br />

economy approach of the new urban sociology<br />

and an earlier urban studies and substituted in its<br />

place postmodern representational and cultural<br />

perspectives. The Los Angeles School’s interest in<br />

the built environment coincided with a renewed<br />

interest in architecture and urban design among<br />

urban scholars. In fact, urban design programs<br />

became more prevalent in the United States in the<br />

1990s, and this reinforced and broadened academic<br />

interest in <strong>cities</strong> and their potential for<br />

renewal. These endeavors, though, were appendages<br />

to the urban studies field, sitting on its margins<br />

but not derailing the basic thrust established<br />

when it emerged in the 1960s.<br />

The dominant motivating interest then—as it is<br />

now—was urban problems, what initially was captured<br />

by the call to “be relevant.” This puts urban<br />

studies in another light. Not just an alternative to<br />

the traditional social science disciplines, urban<br />

studies simultaneously has been a platform for<br />

launching research forays into the realm of public<br />

policy, thereby bringing urban studies closer to the<br />

public professions of city planning, policy analysis,<br />

public management, and social welfare. Many<br />

articles in urban studies and related journals and<br />

most presentations at Urban Affairs Association<br />

conferences have an explicit policy dimension;<br />

their intent is to explore an urban problem (e.g.,<br />

residential segregation) or intervention (community-development<br />

corporations) and offer advice as<br />

to how that problem can be ameliorated or the<br />

intervention improved. Because the traditional<br />

social science disciplines (with the exception of<br />

economics) have conferred little value on policy<br />

research, urban studies offers a place to pursue<br />

policy interests. In short, and in this guise, urban<br />

studies is a continuation of the middle-class reformism<br />

of the early twentieth century.<br />

Urban studies, though, has not escaped the<br />

orbit of the social sciences and this has hindered its<br />

development. It retains the theoretical inclinations<br />

and methodological predilections of the social sciences.<br />

Consequently, its adherents have given little<br />

attention to the identity of their field. Unlike the<br />

disciplines where labels matter, “urban studies” is<br />

rarely used as a professional marker. Instead, its<br />

practitioners are content to remain different from,<br />

but always in touch with and never antagonistic

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