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564 Nightlife<br />

Vauxhall at first, but it was gradually extended to<br />

the bourgeoisie, who used a late night to distinguish<br />

themselves from those who had to retire<br />

early to recover for work, like Thorstein Veblen’s<br />

late nineteenth-century leisure class. (Although<br />

these classes were usually time-segregated, rarely<br />

meeting each other because of the different lengths<br />

of their working days, they sometimes met at daybreak,<br />

one heading off to work, the other heading<br />

home.)<br />

The English licensing laws reflect these distinctions.<br />

The plebeian beerhouses established in 1830<br />

were made to close on weeknights 30 years before<br />

pubs had to close, whereas the private clubs and<br />

restaurants of the wealthy were subject to much<br />

more lenient legislation. Yet, these attempts to<br />

enforce a clear end to the night were not always<br />

successful, as Schlör points out. In Berlin in the<br />

1870s, the police admitted that drinking places<br />

that were meant to close at 11 p.m. were often<br />

open until midnight, and by 1900, observers noted<br />

that the city’s nightlife seemed never to slacken<br />

or end.<br />

The opening up of the streets, and the bright<br />

lights of late-opening cafés and theaters intensified<br />

the association of the city night with pleasure and<br />

possibility. The excitement of nightlife was always<br />

tinged with danger, the unpredictability of urban<br />

life exacerbated by the shadows of the night. From<br />

Vauxhall in the 1730s to the Palais Royale in the<br />

1780s, Coney Island in the 1900s, and Berlin in<br />

the 1920s, the city at night was an exaggerated<br />

version of its daily self, with a heightened sense of<br />

loneliness and sociability, fear and pleasure. The<br />

successful nighttime economies that established<br />

themselves in many <strong>cities</strong> during the nineteenth<br />

century were based on this complex knot of<br />

connotations.<br />

This boom saw the number of premises licensed<br />

to sell alcohol in England and Wales outstrip<br />

population growth: In 1820, there were about<br />

35,000 pub licenses, but by 1870, there were<br />

nearly twice as many, plus nearly 50,000 beerhouse<br />

licenses. Similarly, W. Scott Haine tells us<br />

that there were 4,500 cafés in Paris by the late<br />

1840s and 22,000 by 1870; by the end of the century,<br />

this figure was closer to 30,000, giving the<br />

city more drinking places per head of population<br />

than London or New York. Other attractions also<br />

boomed, like the music hall, of which there were<br />

perhaps as many as 300 in London in the 1850s,<br />

or the cinemas of the early twentieth century.<br />

The Night Economy<br />

This nighttime economy was founded, as Erika<br />

Rappaport suggests, on the parallel development<br />

of shopping districts like London’s West End, so<br />

that an evening out naturally followed a day’s<br />

shopping. It was also based on a successful balance<br />

between pleasure and profit, like Joseph Lyons’s<br />

description of his restaurant business as a “free<br />

trade in pleasure.” Music hall managers, fair owners,<br />

and other entrepreneurs cleaned up the livelier<br />

aspects of their businesses not because they had to,<br />

but because ultimately it meant higher profits.<br />

Other forms of entertainment, like the Victorian<br />

pub, resisted temperance and government efforts<br />

to close or regulate them for decades because there<br />

was so much money in drink. The breweries and<br />

publicans were checked only by the slow growth of<br />

a more home-centered working-class culture<br />

toward the end of the century. In many cases, the<br />

cleanup of nightlife was due to commercial pressures<br />

rather than state regulation.<br />

The bright lights did not illuminate every corner,<br />

obviously. Crime, sedition, prostitution, and<br />

drunkenness were not restricted to the nighttime<br />

but seemed to flourish after dark, and the development<br />

of gas streetlights coincided with the rise of<br />

the modern police and a passion for the investigation<br />

of urban life by journalists, statisticians,<br />

reformers, and pleasure seekers. They often sought<br />

out problem areas after dark, and as a result, the<br />

nineteenth-century rediscovery of the city and its<br />

problematic masses was also usually a rediscovery<br />

of the night. One of Gustave Doré’s illustrations<br />

from 1872, “The Bull’s-eye,” sums this up neatly;<br />

a policeman holds up the lantern of the title to<br />

illuminate the dark corners of London.<br />

This fascination not just with the problems of<br />

the modern city but with their nighttime manifestations<br />

prompted efforts to curb the excesses of<br />

nightlife. Control over closing time, the curfew on<br />

drinking and entertainment places, has already<br />

been discussed. Other campaigns, driven by a mix<br />

of genuine concern, fear for the health of the workforce,<br />

and moralizing disgust, sought to control<br />

prostitution, crime, homelessness, and drunkenness<br />

by regulating the places where these activities

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