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Mandarin translation services for council meetings.<br />

To acquire these services, the Los Angeles<br />

Council and Public Services must be contacted at<br />

least 72 hours in advance.<br />

Dress Codes<br />

There are two strategies of dealing with codes<br />

of attire. The first is a strategy that adopts acceptance<br />

of a diversity of appearances. The second<br />

strategy demands a condition of neutrality. Sikh<br />

men, for example, have been confronted with this<br />

problem and have fought to be able to wear a turban<br />

and carry a kirpan (a ceremonial sword)—<br />

symbols of their Sikh faith—in schools and in the<br />

workplace. In Canada and England, this attire is<br />

permitted. Employers and schools must align their<br />

dress codes to accommodate the religious freedom<br />

of their workers. Thus, Canadian Mounted Police<br />

of the Sikh faith may wear a turban in place of the<br />

traditional broad-rimmed cap, and Sikh school<br />

boys may carry a kirpan to school despite the<br />

regulations of some schools to ban weapons. In the<br />

United States, Sikhs have been fighting for this<br />

right on a case by case basis. Between 2001 and<br />

2007, there were more than 20 successful court<br />

cases—including one in Los Angeles and four in<br />

New York City—in which Sikh men won the right<br />

to wear their religious symbols.<br />

In Germany, dress codes are governed at the<br />

state level. Berlin, a city-state, has taken the route<br />

of the second strategy. Wearing religious symbols<br />

in workplaces where neutral clothing is demanded,<br />

such as in civil services and schools, is not permitted.<br />

This applies to Christian crosses, Jewish yarmulkes,<br />

Muslim tschadors or hijabs, or Sikh<br />

turbans and kirpans—all of which are prohibited.<br />

Models of political discourse are perhaps one of<br />

the hottest topics facing multicultural <strong>cities</strong> today.<br />

They are discussed widely in twentieth-century<br />

political theory. A famous debate between Jürgen<br />

Habermas and Nancy Fraser illustrates two essential<br />

poles to the discussion. Habermas argued that<br />

one open public sphere in which all members participate<br />

on equal footing was the ideal political<br />

forum. Fraser, in response, argued that this was<br />

impossible. For a variety of reasons, women—or<br />

others in general—could not expect to compete on<br />

an equal basis. The outcome would be that alternative<br />

discourse would inevitably be drowned out by<br />

Multicultural Cities<br />

529<br />

so-called common interest topics. To account for<br />

difference, then, Fraser argued for alternative public<br />

spheres. These were forums targeted for specific<br />

groups, who could then meet in an exclusive sphere<br />

to discuss their ideas and develop their counterdiscourse,<br />

which could later be brought back to a<br />

common wider forum. Habermas and Fraser then<br />

represent two models of participation: the meltingpot<br />

public forum and the plurality of forums.<br />

In practical terms, the Province of Ontario in<br />

Canada in 2006 overturned the use of shari`ah law<br />

as a form of family arbitration. It was decided that<br />

it would not be acceptable because the code of ethics<br />

existing under shari`ah law would undermine<br />

Canadian Muslim women. Muslim women who<br />

did not have the means to hire a lawyer would<br />

have little choice but to turn to a Muslim-based<br />

tribunal, which would disadvantage them. Their<br />

access to the equal treatment of individuals guaranteed<br />

under the Canadian constitution was<br />

thereby severely hindered. This decision immediately<br />

called into the question the legitimacy of<br />

Roman Catholic, Jewish, and Aboriginal arbitration,<br />

which too were rendered legally unbinding.<br />

The openness to, and recognition of, diversity<br />

and self-proclaimed difference is most certainly a<br />

positive response to increased urbanization and<br />

international migration. It is more, however, than<br />

the self-image of a city as spatial agglomeration of<br />

articulated social segments, as suggested by demographic<br />

multiculturalism. On a conceptual level,<br />

careful thought needs to be given to the consequences<br />

of classification and essentialization of<br />

individuals and social groups into mythical categories<br />

of otherness, and to the risk of getting caught in<br />

the liberal–pluralist trap that the commodification<br />

of culture ensures. Multiculturalism addresses a<br />

nonstatic, dynamic interplay of differences through<br />

time. On a practical level, integration as a mechanism<br />

of building multicultural spaces is a very complex<br />

process. Measures must carefully address<br />

social, political, and economic needs of residents, as<br />

well as compensate for, and respond to, social spatial<br />

and temporal urban transformations. It will remain<br />

a constant project for residents of multicultural <strong>cities</strong>,<br />

therefore, to keep up with social changes and to<br />

promote and encourage social diversity, inclusion,<br />

and equality.<br />

Constance Carr

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