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army. Colonial <strong>cities</strong> appear in the Americas<br />

around AD 1200, when the Aztecs established the<br />

city of Tenochtitlán (present-day Mexico City). By<br />

the fifteenth century, owing mainly to the military<br />

prowess of the Aztecs, Tenochtitlán served as the<br />

center of the Aztec alliance—a confederation of<br />

towns from which it received tribute. On the eve of<br />

the Spanish conquest, the city was so densely<br />

populated (approximately 9 million persons) that<br />

the Aztec ruler tried to pressure the “colonies” to<br />

increase their tributes to Tenochtitlán, which in<br />

turn caused several rebellions. The fourteenth century<br />

also saw the rise of the Inca Empire, with its<br />

capital at Cuzco (in modern-day Peru). This empire<br />

was renowned for its large public works, such as<br />

road networks, irrigation systems, and so on. Incan<br />

towns such as Chan-Chan and Huanuco Pampa<br />

were organized around large plazas from where the<br />

Inca himself presided over state ceremonies.<br />

The sixteenth to the late nineteenth century, or<br />

the early modern period, was marked by the rise of<br />

European powers such as Spain, Portugal, and the<br />

Netherlands. The Iberian colonization of the<br />

Americas has been understood through the motivation<br />

of the colonizers to convert the indigenous<br />

population in a religious and cultural sense in an<br />

attempt to wipe out existing native cultures. Thus<br />

the North American <strong>cities</strong> of San Francisco and<br />

San Diego grew around the religious institution of<br />

a Catholic mission that provided the first change<br />

from a largely agrarian economy to an urban one.<br />

The Dutch colonial city of Zeelandia off the southwest<br />

coast of China, established as a trading port<br />

in 1624, proved to be one of the most profitable<br />

and strategic ports for the Dutch East India<br />

Company.<br />

Modern imperialism of the late nineteenth and<br />

early twentieth centuries was marked by the rise of<br />

empires such as France, Britain, and Italy. The rise<br />

of modern industrial capitalism was the primary<br />

catalyst for this phase of colonialism, and the success<br />

of the Industrial Revolution in Europe was<br />

entrenched in the surplus extraction of resources<br />

from the peripheries of North Africa, South Asia,<br />

and Southeast Asia. During this period colonial<br />

administrators and planners used the colonized<br />

peripheries for various sociospatial experiments.<br />

Colonial urban planners saw the colonies as a<br />

tabula rasa (blank slate) onto which they were free<br />

to impose their utopian urban ideals—visions that<br />

Colonial City<br />

167<br />

would have been impossible to implement in the<br />

metropoles of Paris or London. Thus, the professionalization<br />

of urban planning in Europe should be<br />

viewed as deeply rooted in the colonial experience.<br />

Theoretical Frameworks<br />

Contemporary understanding of the colonial city<br />

owes much to Edward Said’s path-breaking book<br />

Orientalism, which argued that colonialism was<br />

based on the epistemological and ontological production<br />

of difference between the colonizer and<br />

the colonized. Thus, a key element of the process<br />

of colonialism was the representation of the native<br />

population as powerless, organizationally backward,<br />

traditionally rooted (and therefore stagnant),<br />

and culturally inferior to the dominant<br />

population. Inspired by Said’s argument, urban<br />

historians and theorists began to look upon colonial<br />

<strong>cities</strong> as the laboratories where this difference<br />

was produced and the primary apparatus through<br />

which control and domination over the colonized<br />

was ensured. These scholars theorized the colonial<br />

city through various approaches.<br />

The paradigm of modernization (Rostow) claims<br />

that colonial <strong>cities</strong> were divided into two types of<br />

spaces: modern (representative of the dominant<br />

population of colonizers) and a preindustrial or<br />

traditional city (representative of the native subject<br />

population). The space of the modern city is<br />

arranged around an industrialized economy and<br />

therefore has components such as ports, post<br />

offices, and commercial centers, whereas the native<br />

space continues to be organized around traditional<br />

bazaars based on a workshop system of production.<br />

Based on a linear notion of urban development,<br />

this paradigm proposes the colonial city as<br />

gradually shedding its traditional modes of production<br />

and growing into a Western-style capitalist<br />

economy.<br />

The colonial city has also been understood as<br />

contact between distinct cultures (King) and the<br />

physical form that arose out of the imposition of a<br />

nonindigenous cultural system on the colonized<br />

landscape. This framework of understanding the<br />

colonial city assumes that the cultures of the colonizer<br />

and colonized were mutually exclusive, and<br />

the colonial city is predominantly the result of the<br />

contact between these two distinct cultures. In<br />

other words, this theoretical framework argues

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