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to find a rational distribution of population and<br />

economic growth in each region. David Johnson<br />

has made clear that some of these beliefs were<br />

taken by Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal, including<br />

the Tennessee Valley Authority, which included<br />

concepts of integrated resource development and<br />

regional planning. Another famous example for<br />

American regional planning is the 1929 Regional<br />

Plan of New York and Environs.<br />

A further prominent example is Greater London.<br />

The Greater London Regional Planning Committee<br />

presented a regional plan in 1929 suggesting,<br />

among other things, open-space planning, and a<br />

“green girdle” around London for sports and<br />

recreation. The emphasis on green returned in later<br />

plans for the London region. Patrick Abercrombie<br />

was the influential planner here, introducing a<br />

green-belt ring (mainly meant for recreational use)<br />

and an outer-country ring (mostly agriculture).<br />

A final, but highly important set of examples<br />

emerge from German regional planning, which<br />

began in the early twentieth century, when larger<br />

city growth (particularly Berlin) and the emergence<br />

of larger industrial regions (like the Ruhr area) had<br />

to be coordinated. Some of the first planning initiatives<br />

included the establishment of the so-called<br />

Greater Berlin collaboration (Zweckverband Groß-<br />

Berlin) in 1911, which was aimed at preparing highways<br />

and tram and railway infrastructure. For the<br />

Ruhr area, an effort was made to identify regional<br />

problems like natural protection, disordered settlements,<br />

and conflicts between residential and industrial<br />

land uses. A special organization was set up, the<br />

Siedlungsverband Ruhrkohlenbezirk, in 1920.<br />

Regional Science and<br />

Economic Geography<br />

In the period after World War II, regional planning<br />

became less a matter of regional urban form and<br />

environmental concerns. Instead, more prominence<br />

was given to regional economic geography.<br />

Authors like John Friedmann, William Alonso,<br />

and Walter Isard discussed economic issues related<br />

to regional development. Issues like the location of<br />

industry were central to Alfred Weber’s least cost<br />

approach. Notions on the spatial structure of<br />

regions were given by Walter Christaller in his central-place<br />

theory. Another characteristic approach<br />

was the locational rent notion by Johann Heinrich<br />

Regional Planning<br />

651<br />

von Thünen. The central idea was that the cultivation<br />

of certain crops depends on their distances<br />

from the city and that this could be calculated<br />

through assessments of the cost of the land and<br />

transport costs. These approaches have been criticized<br />

for their economic modeling and assumptions<br />

such as singular linkages between a city and<br />

its agricultural area or that the cost of transport<br />

would be directly proportional to distance.<br />

Regional planning efforts based on early regional<br />

science involved studying causalities between physical,<br />

social, and economic variables in a regional context.<br />

The emphasis relied strongly on quantitative<br />

methods. It also often implied primarily a governmental<br />

activity aimed at the scientific production<br />

and review of a regional plan, applying regional<br />

development theories. France has a particularly<br />

rich history in a regional economics approach to<br />

planning, principally in the 1960s.<br />

At a more recent date, the emphasis on economic<br />

issues in regional planning continues to be<br />

important. People like David Harvey and Manual<br />

Castells have sought to add the importance of<br />

social networks and patterns of power in regional<br />

economic development. Regional planning clearly<br />

includes social and political realities as well. For<br />

example, the control of urban sprawl and mobility<br />

is impossible without social awareness and some<br />

form of regional political consensus about its<br />

necessity. It implies regional coordination involving<br />

multiple authorities and relevant stakeholders.<br />

New Regionalism and<br />

Metropolitan Governance<br />

These remarks bring us to a more recent view on<br />

regional planning, bringing issues of new regionalism<br />

and metropolitan governance to the fore. In<br />

essence, new regionalism claims that the regional<br />

level is crucial for economic development and that<br />

the region should be the prime focus of economic<br />

policy. The idea is that nation-states are inappropriate<br />

for economic policy as they are too small to<br />

deal with capitalism in a global system and too<br />

large to respond effectively to local changes.<br />

Authors like Michael Keating have shown that, as<br />

a consequence, the nation-state has been forced to<br />

devolve its powers to regional bodies.<br />

There are also some functional reasons why the<br />

region has become central. The territorial range of

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