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as diverse as informal cooperation between public<br />

and private actors; direct or indirect public funding<br />

of private organizations or projects; private<br />

funding of public organizations or projects; formal,<br />

often legally chartered, multisector organizations;<br />

special districts, public authorities, and other<br />

“quasi­public” agencies. More specific definitions<br />

clarify the kinds of relationships at work, for<br />

example, differentiating between partnerships<br />

embodied in project­specific, time­limited deals<br />

and organizations with ongoing institutionalized<br />

commitments. On the other hand, partnerships<br />

might be defined only as continuing relationships<br />

with shared responsibilities among public and private<br />

actors, each of which has the authority to<br />

negotiate on its own behalf and each of which<br />

brings resources to the partnership. Others confine<br />

the term partnerships to long­term relationships<br />

codified in legal or financial contracts. Public–<br />

private partnerships usually do not include arm’slength<br />

contracts based on competitive bidding for<br />

specific products or services and generally associated<br />

with privatization strategies.<br />

Historical Evolution<br />

If partnerships are considered in the broadest sense<br />

as public–private collaborations, their origins can<br />

be traced to the close relations between political<br />

and economic elites in the expanding nineteenthcentury<br />

city. Where political machines dominated,<br />

local government utility franchises and building<br />

contracts attracted investors who were sources of<br />

campaign contributions, jobs, and tax revenues.<br />

Nonmachine <strong>cities</strong>, too, had their public–private<br />

partnerships, as evidenced in various city planning<br />

and municipal reform organizations.<br />

The origins of contemporary partnerships,<br />

whether defined as project­focused, long­term, or<br />

legally chartered collaborations, are generally traced<br />

to federal urban renewal policies (1954–1974).<br />

The urban renewal program required an institutionalized<br />

local capacity to plan and implement<br />

redevelopment projects in order to receive federal<br />

grants and loans. Because many <strong>cities</strong> lacked<br />

that capacity, this requirement prompted new<br />

government–business alliances. In some <strong>cities</strong>, business<br />

organizations and committees took the lead<br />

in policy planning and project execution; the local<br />

government’s role was its exercise of eminent<br />

Public–Private Partnerships<br />

621<br />

domain and project funding. In other <strong>cities</strong>, local<br />

urban redevelopment authorities, quasi­independent<br />

public agencies overseen by appointed, public–<br />

private boards of directors, were in charge. Yet<br />

even here, business organizations typically determined<br />

the parameters of downtown revitalization plans.<br />

Subsequent federal government programs have<br />

continued to foster an expanding array of public–<br />

private partnerships for urban revitalization.<br />

President Jimmy Carter’s 1978 national urban<br />

policy emphasized that governments alone could<br />

not solve urban problems and needed the active<br />

assistance of the for­profit and nonprofit sectors.<br />

The federal Community Development Block Grant<br />

(1974– ) and, more especially, the Urban Development<br />

Action Grant (1977–1989) encouraged local<br />

governments to leverage public monies through<br />

incentives such as subsidized loans and land writedowns<br />

as well as infrastructure spending to stimulate<br />

private industrial and commercial investment,<br />

create jobs, and generate new tax revenues. The<br />

Reagan administration’s enterprise zones and the<br />

Clinton administration’s empowerment zones also<br />

required alliances among governments, firms, and<br />

local community­based organizations to attract jobs<br />

and investment to poor urban neighborhoods.<br />

Although federal funding for urban programs<br />

dried up in the 1980s, the competition for new<br />

investment continued, and many state governments<br />

became active promoters of public, for­profit partnerships.<br />

State governments fostered deal­specific<br />

and more expansive government–business alliances<br />

through special districts, business improvement<br />

districts, and tax increment financing as well as tax<br />

incentives, below­market interest rate loans, and<br />

enterprise zones. Improving the efficiency of government<br />

programs in light of policy devolution also<br />

became a key objective. For their part, local governments<br />

developed entrepreneurial strategies to attract<br />

investors and enhance their competitive advantage.<br />

The goals of partnerships with firms extended well<br />

beyond downtown redevelopment. For example,<br />

partnerships with business were established to<br />

restructure New York City finances after its fiscal<br />

collapse in the 1970s, to plan and manage the<br />

Atlanta Olympic Games, to rebuild Los Angeles<br />

after the 1992 civil unrest, and to help implement a<br />

massive highway project in Boston in the 1990s.<br />

Despite the overwhelming importance of business<br />

to partnerships and the major focus of

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