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870 Urban Entertainment Destination<br />

sophisticated creation and staging of guest-<br />

centered experiences that not only entertained<br />

but also significantly engaged visitors. Second,<br />

city politicians and planners readily embraced the<br />

notion that the urban entertainment destination<br />

represented a shortcut to revitalizing downtown<br />

urban centers that had become tired and blighted.<br />

As such, they were successors to the festival marketplaces<br />

that briefly flourished in the 1970s and<br />

1980s before financially faltering. Not only was it<br />

expected that the urban entertainment destination<br />

would lure middle-class Americans back to<br />

the central city from whence they had fled for the<br />

safety and cheap housing of the suburbs in the<br />

1950s and 1960s, but these projects were also<br />

touted as an effective means of reinvigorating<br />

small businesses in economically depressed neighborhoods.<br />

Third, media and entertainment companies<br />

signed on as major development partners,<br />

convinced that branded developments such as<br />

Universal City Walk (Los Angeles) and the Sony<br />

Center (Berlin) could be the locus of powerful<br />

synergies between urban commerce, television<br />

and motion pictures, and global brands. Not only<br />

did this offer media corporations a means for<br />

linking their leisure and consumption products to<br />

the geographic spaces where they are produced<br />

and consumed, but, additionally, <strong>cities</strong> themselves<br />

could become branded commodities in their own<br />

right. As one Urban Land article in 1997 proclaimed,<br />

the city was becoming nothing less than<br />

a stage where “Disney Meets Dior.”<br />

As <strong>cities</strong> became more uniform, generic, and<br />

mundane in their streetscapes, shopping facilities,<br />

and tourist attractions, middle-class consumers<br />

demanded new, more inventive, and sensational<br />

urban experiences. At the same time, they expressed<br />

a deeply rooted reluctance to take risks, especially<br />

those associated with the lower social classes. That<br />

is to say, the proliferation of entertainment districts<br />

in North America addressed a desire to sample<br />

diversity without risking contact with genuine difference.<br />

For day visitors, urban entertainment destinations<br />

seemed to offer the perfect solution to this<br />

thorny social contradiction. Numerous exotic and<br />

cosmopolitan landscapes and experiences (or, at<br />

least a faux version) were on offer, encased in a<br />

protective tourist bubble. These simulated urban<br />

environments were thus suffused with what can be<br />

called a “safe” or “riskless” risk.<br />

Recent Patterns of Decline and Growth<br />

After a much-hyped start, the construction of<br />

urban entertainment destinations has stalled, at<br />

least in North America and Europe. There are several<br />

reasons for this. First, the urban entertainment<br />

destination has turned out to be a difficult concept<br />

for institutional lenders to grasp. In particular,<br />

projects wherein the proportion represented by<br />

entertainment outweighs that devoted to retail are<br />

viewed as too risky and cannot obtain sufficient<br />

financing. It doesn’t help that such developments<br />

carry with them significantly higher costs than<br />

traditional retail developments, even though they<br />

have the potential to generate significantly higher<br />

per square foot sales and revenues. Second, there<br />

has been a growing awareness that urban entertainment<br />

projects that seem exciting in Las Vegas<br />

and Orlando are more prone to fail in the heartland.<br />

In particular, themed restaurants (Planet<br />

Hollywood, Rainforest Cafe) and shops (Disney<br />

Store) lose their luster when located in regional<br />

<strong>cities</strong> and suburban malls. Furthermore, the market<br />

for urban entertainment venues has quickly<br />

become saturated. For example, megaplex cinemas<br />

have only prospered by cannibalizing existing theaters<br />

of an older vintage, often within the same<br />

ownership chain. Third, the “creative city” model<br />

of urban growth and prosperity has effectively<br />

displaced the urban entertainment approach in<br />

urban planning and political circles. Most closely<br />

associated with the work of Richard Florida, the<br />

former eschews the development of large entertainment<br />

projects in favor of bohemian neighborhoods<br />

that are densely packed with juice bars,<br />

small avant-garde galleries, jazz and blues clubs,<br />

gay and lesbian bookstores, and the like. These are<br />

celebrated not just for their inherent aesthetic<br />

value but, more significantly, as attractors for<br />

knowledge workers, especially from the microchip<br />

industry, who allegedly choose urban communities<br />

that are edgy, diverse, and tolerant. According to<br />

Florida, “creatives” don’t like the themed and<br />

branded entertainment megaprojects associated<br />

with the fantasy city, which they actively avoid.<br />

Urban entertainment destinations are no more<br />

popular with most academic researchers and social<br />

critics. Solutions for revitalizing urban centers that<br />

feature shopping and entertainment have been<br />

castigated for increasing, rather than reducing,

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