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346 Hawley, Amos<br />

Britain was not favorable to urbanism of the Grand<br />

Manner either.<br />

French residential culture was decidedly urban.<br />

It enabled the prefect to complete his grand projet.<br />

For all his might, he was dependent on market<br />

forces for the building of the flanks of his new<br />

arteries. That private developers were willing to<br />

pay high prices for the cleared sites and accept<br />

strict architectural supervision means they felt that<br />

wealthy tenants were willing to pay high rents for<br />

these apartments. From a land rent perspective,<br />

building in the city’s periphery would have been<br />

more advantageous. But no developer would even<br />

consider building luxury dwellings there.<br />

Although most Frenchmen lived in the countryside,<br />

residential culture was oriented on the city.<br />

Rural France was considered an underdeveloped<br />

backwater. This paradox was equally prevalent in<br />

countries like Italy, Hungary, and the new Balkan<br />

states, where the Haussmann strategy was enthusiastically<br />

embraced.<br />

Great Britain offers an opposite image. Residents<br />

preferred the suburban alternative to living in the<br />

congested city. No British developer would have<br />

considered building the inner-city luxury apartments<br />

that their French counterparts did. They<br />

focused their attention on suburbia, where they<br />

provided single-family homes ranging from terraced<br />

housing to detached villas.<br />

As a result, visitors from continental Europe<br />

were astonished to see that the world’s leading economic<br />

and colonial power was accommodated in<br />

such an unimpressive capital. Although France was<br />

a more modest power, Paris had become the role<br />

model for the representation of national grandeur.<br />

Michiel Wagenaar<br />

See also Capital City; City Beautiful Movement; City<br />

Planning; London, United Kingdom; Paris, France;<br />

Rome, Italy; Urban Planning<br />

Further Readings<br />

Olsen, Donald. 1986. The City as a Work of Art:<br />

London, Paris, Vienna. New Haven, CT: Yale<br />

University Press.<br />

Pinon, Pierre. 2002. Atlas du Paris haussmannien : La<br />

ville en héritage du Second Empire à nos jours (Atlas<br />

of Haussmann Paris: The City Inherited from the<br />

Second Empire to Today). Paris: Parigramme.<br />

Wagenaar, Michiel. 2001. “The Capital as a<br />

Representation of the Nation.” Pp. 339–58 in The<br />

Territorial Factor: Political Geography in a<br />

Globalising World, edited by Gertjan Dijkink and<br />

Hans Knippenberg. Amsterdam: Vossiuspers.<br />

Ha w l e y, am o s<br />

Amos Henry Hawley (1910– ) is the founder of<br />

neo-orthodox human ecology and a prominent<br />

scholar in population analysis, urban sociology,<br />

and population policy. He is currently professor<br />

emeritus at the University of North Carolina at<br />

Chapel Hill, fellow of the American Academy of<br />

Arts and Sciences, and Kenan Professor at the<br />

University of North Carolina. He has served as<br />

president of the Population Association of America<br />

and of the American Sociological Association; as<br />

demographic adviser to the governments of the<br />

Philippines, the Netherlands Antilles, Thailand,<br />

and Malaysia; as adviser to the director of Selective<br />

Services during World War II and to the Michigan<br />

State Planning Commission. He has assisted the<br />

National Academy of Sciences and the U.S. Senate<br />

in population projects. He is a recipient of the Lynd<br />

Award from the Urban and Community Sociological<br />

Section of the American Sociological Association<br />

(ASA) and of the Award for Human Ecology<br />

Contributions from Cornell University. The Amos<br />

H. Hawley Distinguished Professorship at UNC is<br />

named in his honor. The author of 150 papers and<br />

books, his work redefines human ecological study<br />

as a general theory of social organization, which<br />

has become the primary theoretical perspective in<br />

contemporary human ecology.<br />

Born in 1910 in St. Louis, Missouri, Amos<br />

Hawley received his AB degree from the University<br />

of Cincinnati in 1936. Here Hawley was exposed<br />

to sociology and human ecology by James A.<br />

Quinn who, like Hawley, would later figure prominently<br />

in the neo-orthodox movement in human<br />

ecology. Taken with the macrosocial approach<br />

aspects of society, Hawley pursued his graduate<br />

work at the University of Michigan under one of<br />

the best-known human ecologists of his day,<br />

Roderick D. McKenzie. In his first year, Hawley<br />

worked closely with McKenzie on a comprehensive<br />

treatise on human ecology. This collaborative

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