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768 Sprawl<br />

increased considerably. According to the U.S.<br />

Census Bureau, 50 percent of the U.S. population is<br />

living in the urban territory outside the city cores<br />

while less than 30 percent lives within the city core.<br />

In Europe, Berlin is the only metropolitan area with<br />

a decrease in periphery share (probably due to its<br />

situation during the cold war). In all other European<br />

<strong>cities</strong>, including Rome, Paris, London, Randstad,<br />

Copenhagen, and Stockholm, the number of people<br />

living in the periphery is increasing.<br />

If we argue that landscape as a common feature<br />

no longer can be regarded as something opposite<br />

to, or a kind of antithesis to the city, then it must<br />

be seen as an integrated part of the total urban territory,<br />

and therefore has to be considered a central<br />

part of urban and architectural planning.<br />

Asked directly, most people will say that they<br />

prefer to live in close connection to urban centers<br />

in open, landscape-like surroundings, with multiple<br />

lifestyle choices and mobility connections. The<br />

apparent conflict of these preferences necessarily<br />

leads to a continuous reformulation of the relations<br />

between city and landscape, leading to an<br />

unavoidable increase in mobility, primarily in the<br />

form of growth in private car usage.<br />

The processes of urban mutations reformulate<br />

the built environment and the landscape into new<br />

urban territories. New concepts like network city,<br />

the city without limits, and “ruburbia” and “rurban<br />

life” suggest that former, more or less unambiguous<br />

concepts like city, town center, suburb,<br />

periphery, farmland, and open landscape are not<br />

alone in the field anymore. Some have chosen to<br />

call this new European condition “after-sprawl.”<br />

They emphasize the new conditions by renaming<br />

them, and they also attempt to change focus from<br />

the built space and infrastructure to the so-called<br />

negative space (the new valuable agricultural,<br />

green, and water spaces) to combat negative associations<br />

with the word sprawl. Where most of the<br />

former investigations still are based on the understanding<br />

of the built space as more or less independent<br />

unities emerging in an empty space, this<br />

perspective is turned upside down in the aftersprawl<br />

study. One could also say that perspective<br />

is left to make it possible to see reality in totality<br />

without hierarchical structures. No intellectual<br />

picture is produced in advance. The empty space<br />

or the void is not regarded as negative from the<br />

beginning. It is no longer background for figures in<br />

the foreground as it was in the modernist urbanite<br />

models. This is a way of thinking that results in a<br />

totally different visual and mental picture. It is an<br />

attempt to introduce an unprejudiced way of seeing<br />

that no longer takes its starting point in a given<br />

rational, established pattern of expectations from<br />

the outside, but rather in recognition of the given<br />

situation.<br />

A smaller change in one part of an urban region<br />

could have ripple effects almost anywhere else, so<br />

trying to understand the reciprocal relationships<br />

between sprawl, inner city, suburb, and exurb<br />

would be like trying to solve complicated mazes<br />

simply by looking at them, knowing that in this<br />

case there is no privileged entry or exit in the networked<br />

urban territory.<br />

One consequence of this fact is that landscape<br />

as a concept and metaphor, as an understanding<br />

of something “artificial,” has been used as one of<br />

the most productive starting points for formulation<br />

of models for development and transformation<br />

of the urban territories in the past few years.<br />

One could claim also that sprawl, as other<br />

parts of the urban territory, is folding out as a<br />

manifold, fragmented, and heterogeneous picture.<br />

It is impossible to determine sprawl unambiguously<br />

and homogeneously both in relation to a city<br />

core and building typology as well as concerning<br />

social, economic, or ethnic questions. Urban sprawl<br />

is also a patchwork of different forms of urban<br />

design and architecture from different times, located<br />

next to one another, interacting or overlaying one<br />

another. All together many things indicate that<br />

sprawl as a phenomenon in the urban territory is<br />

here to stay.<br />

Morten Daugaard<br />

See also Edge City; Gated Community; Homeowners<br />

Associations; Metropolitan Region; New Urbanism;<br />

Suburbanization<br />

Further Readings<br />

Bölling, Lars and Thomas Sieverts, eds. 2004. Mitten am<br />

Rand. Auf dem Weg von der Vorstadt über die<br />

Zwischenstadt zur regionalen Stadtlandschaft.<br />

Zwischenstadt Band 1. Dortmund, Germany: Verlag<br />

Müller + Busmann KG.<br />

Bormann, Oliver, Michael Koch, Astrid Schmeing,<br />

Martin Schröder, and Alex Wall. 2005. Zwischen

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