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660 Rent Theory<br />

its understanding of capital into question. In the<br />

debate, Pierro Sraffa from Cambridge in the United<br />

Kingdom and other critics argued that neoclassical<br />

marginal theory was unable to explain the distribution<br />

of income and, hence, the distribution of<br />

profits between rents and wages, without already<br />

assuming a given distribution of wealth. This<br />

means that profits are not determined by marginal<br />

productivity but rather that the social conditions<br />

of production determine the rate of profit. Hence,<br />

a rent theory based on a neoclassical understanding<br />

of capital is problematic.<br />

Despite these theoretical problems, in 1964,<br />

William Alonso combined land rent theory with a<br />

neoclassical framework and applied it to the urban<br />

case. He was inspired by von Thünen’s work in<br />

which the costs of transportation determined rents.<br />

Alonso linked this idea to the neoclassical assumption<br />

of individuals engaged in maximizing their<br />

utilities. Based on this, he posed the bid-rent function<br />

as that amount of money a household pays for<br />

rent at different locations. In general, land rent is<br />

supposed to lead to an optimal allocation of different<br />

types of usage to urban spaces. Therefore,<br />

political interventions in the form of zoning or rent<br />

control are opposed.<br />

The Alonso model has been refined by relaxing<br />

some assumptions and including transaction costs<br />

and externalities. This leads to different policy<br />

conclusions and opens a space for active intervention<br />

in the control of rental contracts.<br />

Notwithstanding, the societal fundamentals of the<br />

land rent mechanism are not in question; the theory<br />

is based on a neoclassical understanding of<br />

capital, and the income distribution is based on<br />

marginal productivity. Therefore, the explanation<br />

of the absolute level of land rent—that is, the<br />

income of landlords—and the role of institutions<br />

that shape land rent are problematic. In addition,<br />

the rigidity of formal models, deriving all spatial<br />

phenomena from the marginal utility of maximizing<br />

individuals, is frequently critiqued.<br />

Political Economy Perspective Today<br />

Land rent theory in the political economy tradition<br />

differs substantially from neoclassical approaches.<br />

Since the 1970s, an upswing in critical political<br />

economy has taken place and, within this context,<br />

land rent theory has been developed further. Based<br />

on Pierro Sraffa’s systematization of David Ricardo’s<br />

classical economics, land rent is understood as<br />

intensive and extensive differential rent. Intensive<br />

differential rent is caused by a more intensive use of<br />

a plot of land. That means that a higher amount of<br />

capital per unit of land is used. For the urban case,<br />

the introduction of multistory buildings represents<br />

a typical example of a more intensive use that leads<br />

to an increase in intensive differential rent. Allen J.<br />

Scott applies extensive and intensive rent to the<br />

urban context and shows, in contrast to Alonso,<br />

that it is not marginal utility but land rent and<br />

transport costs that determine the use of land.<br />

In addition to this neo-Ricardian line of theoretical<br />

development, work in a more general<br />

political economy perspective based on Marx and<br />

Engels has developed. This broadened the field of<br />

study. Land rent and its urban function were considered<br />

not only within a given social and economic<br />

structure but also as contributing to the<br />

formation of social structures. Attention was given<br />

to the role of agricultural rent; that is, rent for<br />

resources. Based on the concept of absolute rent—<br />

a category related to the value theory of labor—<br />

considerable attention was given to the organic<br />

composition of capital, and hence, the concrete conditions<br />

of production as well as the struggle over<br />

surplus value between landowners and capitalists.<br />

The challenge was to apply concepts such as differential<br />

rent, monopoly rent, and absolute rent,<br />

which were originally developed for the analysis of<br />

agricultural questions, to the urban context.<br />

Whereas absolute rent and differential rent are<br />

directly linked to the process of production,<br />

monopoly rent is usually assumed to be dependent<br />

on the purchasing power of households. The<br />

higher capacity to pay for socially more privileged<br />

space results in higher monopoly rents at those<br />

places favored by higher-income groups.<br />

The main emphasis of the work in a political<br />

economy tradition has been on the causes of rent<br />

and its relationship with the capitalist production.<br />

Besides the work of David Harvey, innovative contributions<br />

were made among others by Alain<br />

Lipietz and Christian Topalov in France. One key<br />

argument put forward by Harvey was that land<br />

was increasingly becoming a financial asset. Hence,<br />

a merger between landlords and capitalists was<br />

supposed to abolish the specific behavior of the<br />

landed class. Land rent was not considered an

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