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936 Urban System<br />

and uncertainties. Early <strong>cities</strong> also were places<br />

where the profits from selling agricultural surplus<br />

were reinvested in other kinds of activities, leading<br />

to innovations stimulated by the competition in<br />

trade with other <strong>cities</strong> and giving rise to a more<br />

and more complex social organization. Cities<br />

exploit, then, not only a local site but a nodal<br />

geographical situation and develop as long as<br />

the networks they control are expanding.<br />

Archaeologists have demonstrated that <strong>ancient</strong><br />

settlement systems possessed the same structural<br />

properties as the urban systems observed later in<br />

history or even today.<br />

The earliest mention of urban system (“le système<br />

général des villes”) is found in the article<br />

“Villes” in a French encyclopedia; the article was<br />

written by a Saint-Simonian engineer, Jean<br />

Reynaud, who enunciated the main principles of<br />

central place theory in 1841. But the classical formulation<br />

of this theory belongs to German geographer<br />

Walter Christaller. His thesis was inspired by<br />

a general concern of the time about the role of<br />

towns as marketplaces in rural regions. However,<br />

in Christaller’s work, a systemic conception<br />

remains implicit. Not until the 1960s was the multilevel<br />

organization of urban systems first formalized<br />

in systemic terms by American geographer<br />

Brian Berry, who coined the famous phrase “<strong>cities</strong><br />

as systems within systems of <strong>cities</strong>.”<br />

Central Place Systems<br />

Central place theory intends to explain the size,<br />

number, and spacing of <strong>cities</strong>. It defines centrality as<br />

the property of <strong>cities</strong> to act as central places retailing<br />

goods and services to surrounding areas (the<br />

“complementary region” in Christaller’s words).<br />

The theory includes behavioral hypotheses about<br />

consumers, who try to minimize the travel costs for<br />

acquiring goods and services, and suppliers, who<br />

enter the market as long as they can make profit. A<br />

postulate is that establishments supplying central<br />

goods group, according to their own spatial ranges<br />

and viability threshold, in centers of different sizes<br />

and form six to seven hierarchical levels of central<br />

places. Under these constraints, Christaller derives<br />

three types of spatial models of urban hierarchies,<br />

which optimize either the accessibility to markets<br />

for consumers or the length of required transportation<br />

networks and obey an administrative principle<br />

of noncompetitiveness. Each of these spatial models<br />

is characterized by a fixed ratio between the size<br />

of market areas of two successive levels: This ratio is<br />

K = 3 for the model following a market principle, 4<br />

in the case of the transport principle, and 7 for the<br />

administrative one.<br />

The theory has been exemplified by many case<br />

studies and tested in many regions of the world and<br />

for various historical periods. Whereas the hierarchical<br />

organization of retail functions was generally<br />

observed, exhibiting a strong correlation with city<br />

size, the regularity in K values was more difficult to<br />

establish. Central place theory also was applied to<br />

seasonal markets and to the spatial organization of<br />

commercial activities inside <strong>cities</strong>. In this latter<br />

case, however, the spatial regularities had to be<br />

understood not within the framework of topographical<br />

space but in reference to a time–space, as<br />

defined by temporal measures of accessibility.<br />

Central place theory was criticized from various<br />

points of view. Inconsistencies in derivation of geometric<br />

models were noticed, especially because the<br />

local effects of population concentration are not<br />

considered by Christaller as altering the hypothesis<br />

of spatial homogeneity that is required for drawing<br />

hexagons around each center. Lack of coincidence<br />

with observations were also reported, namely, violations<br />

of the hypothesis allocating consumers to<br />

the nearest retail center for every purchase: At least<br />

in highly mobile societies, consumers make multipurpose<br />

travels that short-circuit the smallest shopping<br />

centers and increase the contrasts in the<br />

hierarchical organization. In parallel, an increase<br />

in income trivializes previously rare services.<br />

Moreover, it becomes less and less relevant to build<br />

a theory of urban systems on the relationship<br />

between <strong>cities</strong> and countryside, when three quarters<br />

of the total population is urban. But the main<br />

weakness is that central place theory is incomplete<br />

for two reasons: (1) It does not consider other specialized<br />

functions that <strong>cities</strong> are performing and<br />

which do not serve a regional population (as manufacturing<br />

activities or tourism), and (2) Christaller’s<br />

theory is mainly a static one.<br />

Urban Hierarchy as a<br />

Statistical Distribution<br />

A second type of interpretation of the hierarchical<br />

differentiation in urban systems has followed a

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