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702 Sex Industry<br />

(and, by implication, legal) context in which<br />

“goods and services of an erotic and sexual kind”<br />

are consumed. Developing this, she contends that<br />

while there is considerable discussion about the<br />

regulation of prostitution, the vast majority of sex<br />

businesses are not recognized as spaces of prostitution<br />

and may be unaffected by prostitution laws.<br />

In the current context, for instance, it is important<br />

to note the sale of sexual goods and services occurs<br />

across sites including, Agustin lists, “bars, restaurants,<br />

cabarets, clubs, brothels, discotheques, saunas,<br />

massage parlors, sex shops with private<br />

booths, hotels, flats, dungeons for bondage and<br />

domination, Internet sites, cinemas and anywhere<br />

that sex is offered for sale on an occasional basis.”<br />

Regulating this diverse range of sites presents a<br />

number of legal and logistical challenges, and<br />

many forms of commercial sex slip through the<br />

net, subject to no specific forms of licensing or<br />

surveillance. Nonetheless, most nation-states have<br />

adopted laws and policies that aim to confine<br />

sexual acts and nudity to specific private spaces,<br />

and many forms of sexual display are subject to<br />

obscenity acts, which attempt to limit the circulation<br />

of materials with sexual content in both public<br />

and private spaces. Here, it is worth noting the<br />

most important consideration in the regulation of<br />

sexual goods and services has traditionally been to<br />

protect those deemed vulnerable to corruption. In<br />

this respect, it is notable that middle-class White<br />

men have tended to protect their access to materials<br />

deemed pornographic while limiting the availability<br />

of these materials to those “less-civilized” individuals<br />

who might more easily be seduced and<br />

depraved by explicit images. This was explicit in<br />

the mid-Victorian period, when the rhetoric surrounding<br />

the 1857 Obscene Publications Act<br />

(England and Wales) emphasized the potentially<br />

“deadly” impact of pornography on the working<br />

classes, not least working-class women. Subsequently,<br />

access to pornography has become more<br />

democratized—thanks in part to Internet access—<br />

with the protection of children becoming the dominant<br />

justification for the regulation of pornography<br />

in the urban West. Here, the influence of religious<br />

groups has often been considerable, with the antipornography<br />

movement drawing sustenance from<br />

fundamentalist worldviews that emphasize the dangers<br />

associated with “an open marketplace of morals.”<br />

The desire to protect “family values” has thus<br />

encouraged the introduction of a rich and diverse<br />

range of legislation intended to control the content<br />

of and access to, for example, pornographic materials,<br />

with legislators constantly seeking to refine<br />

the boundaries between what is suitable for general<br />

consumption and what only (consenting)<br />

adults can access. One manifestation of this is<br />

attempts by the state and the legislature to limit the<br />

sale or display of pornographic material to specific<br />

spaces that are evidentially not part of the<br />

public realm (i.e., are inaccessible to minors) yet<br />

are accessible to the public (whether freely or by<br />

way of payment).<br />

Describing the evolution of adult entertainment<br />

districts, Andrew Ryder highlights the role<br />

of civic leaders and urban governments in trying<br />

to control adult entertainment activities through<br />

a variety of “command-and-control” techniques,<br />

including obscenity laws, licensing, zoning, and<br />

planning powers. For instance, in the United States,<br />

licensing and zoning ordinances have been widely<br />

used to control the number and location of sexually<br />

oriented businesses. Whereas the former place<br />

limits on the way a premise advertises, opens, and<br />

admits customers, the latter tend to identify which<br />

districts are appropriate for sexually oriented businesses.<br />

In U.S. <strong>cities</strong>, zoning regulations typically<br />

prevent sexually oriented businesses from operating<br />

within a certain number of feet from residences,<br />

schools, and religious facilities, characteristically<br />

pushing adult businesses toward the fringes of <strong>cities</strong><br />

and away from middle-class census tracts. In most<br />

instances, zoning laws also prevent the co-location<br />

of sexually oriented businesses; several U.S. city<br />

ordinances prohibit such businesses within 1,000<br />

feet of one another on the basis that clusters of<br />

such businesses are associated with nuisance and<br />

criminality. Despite the contested evidence for<br />

such nuisance, U.S. courts have tended to uphold<br />

zoning ordinances, overruling claims they conflict<br />

with First Amendment rights to commercial rights<br />

of expression as long as ordinances leave adequate<br />

alternative sites for adult businesses. This type of<br />

judgment has also been extended to nude dancing,<br />

with attempts by municipalities to prevent the<br />

opening of nude dancing venues through antinudity<br />

ordinances, which are challenged by owners<br />

who argue that dancers are expressing a message<br />

and their conduct is therefore protected as symbolic<br />

speech. Yet although the federal courts have

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