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172 Community<br />

consciousness. Whereas traditional forms of human<br />

association had produced organic communities of<br />

social and moral cohesion, the sheer complexity of<br />

modern society has led to the irreparable fragmentation<br />

of communal and social bonds. The transition<br />

from relatively close-knit and proximal spatial configurations<br />

to the large-scale dispersal of population<br />

aggregates within urban settings was seen by Tönnies<br />

to fundamentally challenge the very existence of<br />

community as traditionally conceived.<br />

Although sharing a concern with Tönnies regarding<br />

the disintegrative effects of social change,<br />

Durkheim argued that the type of group solidarity<br />

produced in complex urbanized societies could<br />

also form the basis for the emergence of new forms<br />

of communal life. A key question in this regard<br />

was how a sense of collective morality could be<br />

maintained amid the increasing differentiation and<br />

complexity of modern society. The answer proposed<br />

by Durkheim initially seems contradictory.<br />

On the one hand, an increase in occupational specialization<br />

and the development of complex social<br />

arrangements has meant that traditional ways of<br />

life have declined, thereby creating pervasive feelings<br />

of social and moral disintegration. Durkheim<br />

referred to this condition of social discord as “anomie.”<br />

Conditions of anomie arise when sudden<br />

and disruptive changes occur in social structure.<br />

Rather than lament this state of affairs, however,<br />

Durkheim suggested that new forms of solidarity<br />

and community could grow from the institutional<br />

bases of modern society. Although Durkheim<br />

remains vague as to what precise shape these communal<br />

forms may take, his emphasis upon the<br />

nature of collective morality, social cohesion, and<br />

the differentiation of modern life was to exercise a<br />

significant influence upon subsequent theories of<br />

community.<br />

Such conceptualizations of community often<br />

held it to be synonymous with an attachment to<br />

locality. In this view, urbanization was gradually<br />

transforming the Gemeinschaft of intimate communal<br />

relations into the Gesellschaft of instrumentally<br />

conceived and bureaucratized mass society. If<br />

society is conceived as the locus of the lifeworld,<br />

situated between the twin institutional pillars of<br />

state and economy, community represented a<br />

bounded spatiality in which cohesive social mores<br />

could be embedded. This suggests community to<br />

be, in essence, a value term. Despite the many ways<br />

in which community has been defined, attention<br />

should be directed to the fact that many such<br />

descriptions posit a certain type of community as<br />

the normative ideal. In this sense, debates on community<br />

have been bedeviled by conceptual and<br />

methodological disagreement as to where the<br />

boundaries of community could or should be<br />

drawn. Although differing in terms of theoretical<br />

analysis, the classical theorists held the decline of<br />

community to be of the most profound consequence<br />

with regard to the effects on collective<br />

morality and social life.<br />

More recent discussions in social theory have<br />

reformulated these dynamics in terms of the interconnections<br />

between the local and the global. Given<br />

the extent to which the forces of globalization have<br />

intruded upon the lifeworld of the local context, the<br />

study of community as a bounded entity has<br />

undoubtedly lost much of the legitimacy it once<br />

held. A prominent example of this has been the<br />

decline of community studies as a clearly recognizable<br />

field of study. Traditionally a strength of<br />

Anglo-American anthropology and sociology, the<br />

transformation of industrial and workforce relations<br />

has revealed how the study of any particular<br />

community must now by necessity take account of<br />

an encompassing context of globalization. Indeed,<br />

even to assume the existence of community is to<br />

risk the accusation of adhering to a reactionary and<br />

conservative interpretation of contemporary social<br />

and political relations.<br />

Although classical social theory presented the<br />

decline of community as a critique of Western<br />

industrialism and urbanization, such appraisals<br />

have been of less salient concern in the global<br />

South. Indeed, if the transformative dynamism of<br />

industrialism in Western society was implicitly<br />

juxtaposed with the perceived stasis of the non-<br />

Western world, such considerations are indicative<br />

of an ethnocentric bias informing classical theories<br />

of community. Critiques of industrialism and urbanization<br />

outside of the Western tradition, thus,<br />

often eschew discussion on the decline of community<br />

in favor of critical engagement with the effects<br />

of global and economic growth. Ranging from<br />

South Africa to Manila to Sydney, communitybased<br />

grassroots activism and resistance to globalization<br />

and capitalist expansion have been of more<br />

urgent concern. Typically focusing on determinants<br />

of employment, health, poverty, and demographic

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