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812 Toilets<br />

The industrialization, urbanization, and population<br />

growth of the nineteenth century led to toilet<br />

provision, alongside the installation of sewers,<br />

drains, and water supply. Toilet installation was<br />

undertaken for public health reasons, to reduce<br />

street fouling and the prevalence of water-borne<br />

diseases such as cholera, and from a sense of civic<br />

pride and philanthropy. The first major phase of<br />

public-toilet building in Britain took place under<br />

the 1875 Public Health Act, which also introduced<br />

a rudimentary town planning system. Early town<br />

planning was strongly linked to public health.<br />

Both women and men were involved in the early<br />

town planning reform movement. In the twentieth<br />

century, planning underwent professionalization<br />

and became a male-dominated, governmental function.<br />

As urban policy became more ambitious and<br />

academically sophisticated, planning became separated<br />

from its public health roots. Public-toilet<br />

provision became relegated to low-status technical<br />

departments responsible for waste collection and<br />

street cleaning. The 1936 Public Health Act gave<br />

local authorities permissive, rather than mandatory<br />

powers to provide public toilets. No reference was<br />

made to public-toilet provision in the British Planning<br />

Acts or in other Western planning systems.<br />

Toilet provision was for everyone, but in the<br />

beginning, women’s needs were given far less priority.<br />

In 1900 London, the Leicester Square toilets<br />

provided 27 urinals and 13 cubicles (stalls) for<br />

men and 7 women’s cubicles. Vienna, London,<br />

Turin, and Paris were amply provided with embarrassingly<br />

open wrought iron, male street urinals,<br />

demarcating the city as male space. Whereas men<br />

were “entitled to overflow on the public highway,”<br />

respectable women were not meant to need toilets.<br />

Inadequate provision for women may be seen as a<br />

way of controlling women’s mobility within the<br />

public realm. Public toilets in London were built<br />

underground for reasons of propriety and for easy<br />

access to adjacent sewers and could only be<br />

accessed by steps, restricting access for those with<br />

baby buggies, luggage, or disability.<br />

Nevertheless, well-intentioned local authorities<br />

continued to build public toilets, and up to the late<br />

1960s, no one seemed to question their importance.<br />

Public toilets were even offered by private<br />

property developers as an additional sweetener or<br />

planning gain (zoning bonus) when seeking planning<br />

permission. By the 1970s, attitudes began to<br />

change. Increased car ownership led policymakers<br />

(wrongly) to imagine there was less need for toilet<br />

provision than when everyone travelled by public<br />

transport. Privatization of state enterprises and<br />

cost-cutting led to the sale of public buildings and<br />

reduced provision of public services. This accelerated<br />

under New Right governments of the 1980s<br />

and continues today. Public toilets were a soft target<br />

when savings had to be made because there is<br />

no mandatory legal requirement for provision. The<br />

principles of sewers and drains socialism have been<br />

forgotten, with aggressive privatization of water<br />

and sewerage services taking place throughout the<br />

world.<br />

In Britain, the New Labor government from the<br />

1990s prioritized environmental sustainability policy,<br />

encouraging people to use public transport by<br />

restricting car use, but with little consideration of<br />

the support facilities needed. If the government<br />

wants people to get out of their cars and to use<br />

public transport, then public toilet provision is a<br />

necessity, particularly at transport termini, because<br />

people cannot simply jump into their car and drive<br />

to the nearest service station to find a toilet. But<br />

there is no reference to toilet provision in any central-government<br />

spatial planning policy documents.<br />

Rather, toilet closure is legitimated as a way of solving<br />

the problem of antisocial behavior. Public toilets<br />

are heavily contested public spaces, attracting<br />

all sorts of people, including the homeless, vandals,<br />

and drug addicts, and they are popular locations<br />

for male homosexual activity. The solution is<br />

not to close the toilets but to provide attendants<br />

and more investment to meet the toilet needs of the<br />

general public, while separately addressing the<br />

related social issues.<br />

Major new access requirements have been introduced<br />

under the Disability Discrimination Acts of<br />

1995 and 2005, along with building regulations<br />

and standards reforms, which are comparable in<br />

content to the Americans with Disabilities Acts<br />

and the accessibility codes introduced in many<br />

other countries. Great emphasis is put on the provision<br />

and design of toilets that are accessible for<br />

people with disabilities within different types of<br />

buildings. Because there is no spatial policy guidance,<br />

development plan requirement, or legislation<br />

specifying the location and distribution of public<br />

toilets within urban space, large sections of<br />

the population are severely disadvantaged, and

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