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488 Marxism and the City<br />

alongside the sensory experiences provided by<br />

Parisian street life. Later Marxists, such as Henri<br />

Lefebvre and David Harvey, took up Benjamin’s<br />

invitation to develop a culturally rich and dynamic<br />

reading of the economic, political, and aesthetic<br />

aspects of the expansion of new forms of consumption<br />

within the space of the city.<br />

Postwar Marxism and the Capitalist City<br />

The wave of students’ and workers’ struggles that<br />

erupted in the advanced capitalist countries during<br />

the late 1960s and early 1970s had a far-reaching<br />

impact on urban studies. A new generation of<br />

geographers, urbanists, and sociologists, radicalized<br />

by their contact with these movements, looked<br />

to Marxism for the theoretical tools to explain the<br />

transformations that were taking place. This<br />

engagement led to a number of accounts of spatiality<br />

and scale, taking Marx’s analysis of the accumulation<br />

and circulation of capital as a point of<br />

departure. The resulting theories, while remaining<br />

relatively abstract, played a key role in shifting<br />

debates within urban studies away from the evolutionist<br />

and functionalist theories that previously<br />

dominated this field.<br />

Marxists study <strong>cities</strong> in terms of concentrations<br />

and flows of people, commodities, capital, means of<br />

production, and information. Two aspects—the<br />

relative stability that inheres within particular urban<br />

configurations, as well as the contradictions, tensions,<br />

and dynamics that they manifest—are deemed<br />

essential to providing a satisfactory theoretical<br />

account. In the following paragraphs, we will provide<br />

a brief overview of three distinct elements of<br />

Marxist theory in relation to the city, namely the<br />

concentration of capital, the role of the secondary<br />

circuit, and the role of the capitalist state.<br />

The Marxist theory of accumulation, as outlined<br />

above, implies that regional structure emerges<br />

spontaneously from the accumulation process,<br />

along with increasing quantities of capital that cannot<br />

be invested profitably within the regional system.<br />

The Marxist theory of uneven development is<br />

based on this insight: that the competitive, profitseeking<br />

behavior of individual capitalists gives rise<br />

to a systemic tendency toward overaccumulation<br />

and crisis. Contemporary Marxists argue that these<br />

crisis tendencies can be temporarily offset by a range<br />

of strategies—diverting surplus capital toward the<br />

financial and property markets, investing in the<br />

social and physical infrastructure, exporting capital<br />

to new locations—although the result is to<br />

further intensify the initial contradictions.<br />

Second, Marxist urban scholars have drawn<br />

attention to the importance of the secondary circuit<br />

of capital accumulation, which relates to the commodification<br />

of land and the extraction of monopoly<br />

rents. The diversion of capital from the<br />

productive sector to this sphere, it is argued, has the<br />

potential to generate substantial short-term profits,<br />

while setting in motion a complex set of processes<br />

that include the accentuation of scarcity in housing<br />

markets, the generation of speculative property<br />

“bubbles,” and the displacement of profitability<br />

problems to the financial sector. These phenomena<br />

have been studied in relation to the emergence of<br />

the neoliberal city, gentrification processes, and the<br />

expulsion of poor residents from central areas.<br />

These considerations regarding the relationship<br />

between capital accumulation and physical space,<br />

which have made a decisive contribution to urban<br />

studies, have also brought about a considerable<br />

renewal within Marxist thought. David Harvey<br />

has been at the center of this debate, developing<br />

the concept of the spatiotemporal fix, which<br />

describes the (temporary) displacement of crisis<br />

tendencies within a given region, at a specific time,<br />

either into the future or toward other regions, as<br />

capital engages in the “creative destruction” of<br />

urban landscape and space.<br />

Third, Marxists argue that accumulation strategies<br />

increasingly depend on the role of the state as<br />

a vehicle for fixing productive resources and infrastructure<br />

in specific locations. The state plays an<br />

important role in coordinating urban labor markets,<br />

organizing private and collective consumption,<br />

elaborating strategies for infrastructural<br />

investment, and defusing resistance to exploitation.<br />

The development of the transport infrastructure<br />

is particularly central, as the construction of<br />

canals, railways, motorways, airports, and, increasingly,<br />

information, communication, and technology<br />

networks, is a key factor in explaining the<br />

historical development of urban space. Because of<br />

the scale of investment required to construct these<br />

infrastructures and the length of time required to<br />

recover the initial investments, the state typically<br />

plays a key financial role. Although Marxist<br />

scholars have, on occasion, lapsed into functionalist<br />

accounts of the state, attempts have been<br />

made to overcome this limit by focusing on the

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