ancient cities

434 Land Trusts
Last, Zukin discuses how cultural forms can
simultaneously oppose and reflect the rules of the
market economy; for example, how spaces of
alternative artistic production attract the forces of
gentrification, as evident in Lower Manhattan.
Landscapes of power include cultural forces that
contest the values of capitalism, as well as providing
spaces that allow people to escape the pressures
of being a productive member of a
late-capitalist economy. The concept unites what
seem to be ever more disparate elements of the
landscape, showing how they all reflect a singular
economic system.
Impact in Other Areas
The literature on the emergence of global cities
often adopts Zukin’s framework as a model.
While the original concept was articulated in relationship
to deindustrialization, similar arguments
have been made in terms of the globalization of
the economy and the emergence of regional centers
of the global economy, what are called global
cities or world cities. Saskia Sassen, a sociologist,
points out that the structures of the global economy
have created distinctive labor patterns in
these urban centers. There is also an increasing
convergence of the labor patterns, consumption
habits, and the built environments of these global
cities, despite their distinctive histories and vastly
different locations and cultures. Whereas cities
such as New York, Tokyo, and Paris may be converging
landscapes, the distinction between these
global cities and cities that do not play a central
role in the global economy is growing. For example,
the patterns of living, working, and consuming
are becoming more similar in London and
Paris, but there is a greater difference between
Paris and Lyon than there was 40 years ago
because of the different roles these cities play in a
globalized economy.
Recent work on the cultures of consumption,
tourism, and leisure have also drawn heavily on
the idea that even spaces designated as alternatives
to economic production reflect market forces. For
example, eco-tourism allows spaces that have
fallen outside of the circuit of economic production
to attract global capital. As spaces become
more homogenized through transnational global
investment, cities have discovered that developing
more authentic depictions of their historical
culture increases their economic viability by
attracting tourism. Urbanism itself has become a
major lifestyle attraction in many inner-city neighborhoods
as it is redefined as a sophisticated,
multicultural, and elite form of culture that is promoted
by dense living space.
See also Deindustrialization; Global City; Loft
Living; Shopping
Further Readings
Keally McBride
Abu-Lughod, J. L. 1999. New York, Los Angeles,
Chicago: America’s Global Cities. Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press.
Brenner, Neil and Roger Keil, eds. 2006. The Global
Cities Reader. London: Routledge.
McBride, Keally. 2005. Collective Dreams: Political
Imagination and Community. University Park:
Pennsylvania State University Press.
Polanyi, Karl. 2001. The Great Transformation: The
Political and Economic Origins of Our Time. Boston:
Beacon.
Rae, Douglas. 2003. City: Urbanism and Its End. New
Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Sassen, Saskia. 2000. The Global City: New York,
London, and Tokyo. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press.
Sorkin, Michael, ed. 1992. Variations on a Theme Park:
The New American City and the End of Public Space.
New York: Hill and Wang.
Zukin, Sharon. 1991. Landscapes of Power: From
Detroit to Disneyworld. Berkeley: University of
California Press.
La N d tr u s t s
In the United States, land trusts are a form of
social ownership of land. Typically, nonprofit
organizations own land in trust through either a
conservation land trust or a community land trust.
The two types of land trusts are different from
each other in origin, use, and intent. Conservation
land trusts are nonprofit organizations that conserve
land in perpetuity for natural, recreational,
scenic, historic, and productive uses. Community