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Then from 1981 to 2004, poverty deconcentration<br />

programs in public housing nationally provided<br />

tenants with Section 8 vouchers that allowed<br />

them to rent housing in other neighborhoods. In<br />

this process, many units of public housing were<br />

removed through HOPE VI programs to create<br />

mixed-income development. HOPE VI and Section<br />

8 programs offer higher quality housing for public<br />

housing tenants, but at the cost of the overall<br />

quantity of subsidized units. Instead of giving the<br />

lowest-income tenants priority for subsidized units,<br />

the late 1990s and 2000s saw an increase in subsidies<br />

that do not calculate a household’s rent based<br />

on income but instead charge a below-market rate<br />

for moderate-income households. The Low Income<br />

Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) for example, subsidies<br />

households earning between 80 and 110 percent<br />

of Area Median Income (AMI). Essentially,<br />

through such discounted programs, localities can<br />

satisfy housing affordability quotas without providing<br />

decent affordable housing to those who<br />

need subsidized housing the most.<br />

Since 2000, the dominant affordable housing<br />

policy has been the push for low-income homeownership.<br />

Simultaneously during this past decade,<br />

there has been a steep rise in predatory subprime<br />

loans to low-income households. The result has<br />

been a record number of foreclosures and owneroccupied<br />

vacancies. Middle- and low-income homeowners<br />

and renters are both hit hard from<br />

owner-occupied and rental housing evictions.<br />

Demand for rental housing has increased because<br />

homeowners and would-be homeowners turn to<br />

the rental market for housing needs at the same<br />

time foreclosed rental properties remain vacant,<br />

cutting into the supply of rental housing. The<br />

credit crunch also prevents development of affordable<br />

housing, and otherwise qualified buyers cannot<br />

get financing.<br />

These three housing policies over the past<br />

century—high-rise public housing, rental vouchers,<br />

and low-income homeownership—have<br />

failed because nothing was done to address the<br />

underlying problem of a lack of affordable housing<br />

or to create successful economic and workforce<br />

development programs. Homeownership is<br />

not the end goal and is not appropriate for all<br />

households. Decent affordable housing (as stated<br />

in the 1939 housing act) should be a right for all<br />

households and can be a reality with a housing<br />

Women and the City<br />

965<br />

policy that creates choice in tenure and decommodifies<br />

shelter.<br />

Safety Issues for Women<br />

In the second part of the twentieth century, urban<br />

efforts on crime prevention have focused on the<br />

public sphere through traditional responses such<br />

as policing, surveillance systems, or the proliferation<br />

of gated communities. Since the 1980s, the<br />

“broken windows” theory, which asserts that stopping<br />

small crimes will reduce major crime, has<br />

influenced policing strategies across the United<br />

States. The problem of these initiatives is that they<br />

have focused on crime, not on violence, and do not<br />

include a gender perspective. Crime refers to acts<br />

that are illegal; what constitutes a crime depends on<br />

the definition, context, and nation where the activity<br />

takes place. Many strategies have focused on<br />

preventing crime such as drug dealing, homicide,<br />

prostitution, robbery, and youth gangs, among others.<br />

Crime prevention in the public space excludes<br />

other types of violence, and above all, violence<br />

within the private space.<br />

Since the 1970s, feminist initiatives have worked<br />

to make gender violence a public issue and to<br />

make public and private spaces safer. Also in the<br />

1980s, new approaches to women’s safety in the<br />

city started to take place in countries such as<br />

Canada and the United Kingdom and later in other<br />

countries of Europe and in Latin America and<br />

Africa. These approaches focus on community<br />

safety and violence prevention, preventing all forms<br />

of crime, violence, and insecurity. Incorporating a<br />

gender analysis in community safety recognizes<br />

that women and men often have different definitions<br />

of violence and what can be done about it. In<br />

different <strong>cities</strong> of Canada, women’s organizations<br />

and local governments have conducted women’s<br />

safety audits. The goal of these audits was to organize<br />

a group of women to identify unsafe places in<br />

the city and give recommendations to improve<br />

these places (e.g., METRAC, Femmes et Villes,<br />

South Africa, Bogotá).<br />

Feminists have advocated for including violence<br />

against women issues in municipal agendas. Local<br />

governments can prevent and respond to violence<br />

against women in different ways. Municipalities<br />

can integrate women’s safety concerns into the<br />

physical design of <strong>cities</strong>, parks, and recreation

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