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an insider. This creates a figure in the sense of<br />

both a person (law) and an image (norm). For<br />

subjects and abjects, becoming a citizen means<br />

either adopting modes and forms of being an<br />

insider (assimilation, integration, incorporation)<br />

or challenging these modes and forms and thereby<br />

transforming them (identification, differentiation,<br />

recognition). Just what constitutes citizenship and<br />

its appropriate modes and forms of conduct are<br />

always objects of struggle among citizens, subjects,<br />

and abjects with claims to citizenship as<br />

justice. It is through these claims to citizenship as<br />

justice that it becomes a site of rights and obligations.<br />

These claims and the combination of rights<br />

and obligations that define it work themselves out<br />

differently in different sites and produce different<br />

figures. Thus, sites (<strong>cities</strong>, empires, nations, states),<br />

figures (citizens, subjects, abjects), and substances<br />

(rights, obligations, duties) can be said to be the<br />

elements of citizenship that constitute a body<br />

politic.<br />

Sites of Citizenship<br />

The <strong>ancient</strong> Greeks have been given the distinction<br />

of inventing citizenship roughly around the<br />

eighth century BC by producing a new image of<br />

the city: polis. Until then, the city was governed by<br />

god-kings and after that, the citizens. It appears<br />

that <strong>cities</strong> in <strong>ancient</strong> kingdoms, states, and empires<br />

did not develop citizenship precisely because they<br />

were “despotic” regimes of government. But the<br />

<strong>ancient</strong> Greeks did not see much conflict between<br />

despotic regimes of government and citizenship.<br />

The three forms of governing the city as identified<br />

by Greek thought—oligarchy, aristocracy, and<br />

democracy—already assumed the existence of the<br />

citizen. Nonetheless, what happened in that originary<br />

moment? The answer, ironically, has much<br />

to do with what we are struggling over right now.<br />

At that originary moment, it seems that a new figure<br />

entered onto the stage of history, who was<br />

male and a warrior and owned property (not the<br />

least of which were the means of warfare). That<br />

figure became the dominant image. Those who<br />

were not male and did not own property—such as<br />

women, slaves, peasants, merchants, craftsmen,<br />

and sailors—found themselves thrown into being,<br />

or had become, the others of that figure as subjects<br />

and abjects. The figure of the citizen involved the<br />

Citizenship<br />

145<br />

right to govern his city (belonging) and bequeath<br />

that right to his son (blood). By governing himself<br />

by the laws of his city, he also governed the strangers,<br />

outsiders, and aliens of the city. We already<br />

recognize in this figure attributes (property, warriorship,<br />

masculinity) that were reproduced time<br />

and again as conditions of citizenship and yet<br />

worked themselves out differently in different<br />

sites. The site of polis would remain as the originary<br />

site through which citizenship has been reinvented<br />

through the centuries. The issues that polis<br />

articulated, such as the relationship between citizenship<br />

and forms of government, subjects, and<br />

abjects and rights and responsibilities of citizenship<br />

would, time and again, be repeated, albeit<br />

producing different sites, figures, and substances<br />

of citizenship. It is now impossible to conceive<br />

citizenship without orienting ourselves to that<br />

original site of history, polis, and its figure of the<br />

citizen.<br />

The Roman figure of the citizen worked itself<br />

out through different sites. When fully articulated,<br />

being a Roman citizen was above all being a member<br />

of an empire that was beyond the city. The site<br />

of citizenship, it seems, extended beyond the city.<br />

Yet, it is clear that while Romans invented a new<br />

site for citizenship, it was articulated through the<br />

city. “Being Roman” nicely captures that duality:<br />

being of Rome and its empire. What that meant is<br />

that while being male, warrior, and property owner<br />

were still the elements that constituted a Roman<br />

citizen, dominating its other figures—such as strangers<br />

(women, plebeians, clients, slaves), outsiders<br />

(merchants, foreigners), and aliens (barbarians)—he<br />

was still essentially Roman precisely because he<br />

was of Rome. Being Roman was simultaneously an<br />

imperial and civic identity, but it eventually became<br />

an imperial identity by the famous declaration in<br />

AD 212. The empire as the site of citizenship<br />

and its graded characteristics were the contested<br />

claims upon which citizenship developed. We will<br />

perhaps always debate whether the fall of the<br />

empire was because of that aspiration to, or necessity<br />

of, universal citizenship.<br />

The emergence of new sites of citizenship after<br />

the disintegration of the Roman Empire is among<br />

the most fascinating episodes. Much has been written<br />

about the rebirth of the city during the eleventh<br />

and twelfth centuries in Europe. The invention of<br />

the charter as the founding instrument of the city

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