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dimensions of human geography. Time geography<br />

remains influential in urban geography as a means<br />

of mapping and measuring location-accessibility<br />

problems, but it has lost favor among urban anthropologists<br />

who criticize the use of space and time as<br />

empty abstractions of distance and duration.<br />

In much the same way that Georg Simmel<br />

viewed the spontaneous movements of urban<br />

dwellers as webs of social interaction, Hägerstrand<br />

sought to capture the “choreography of existence.”<br />

He viewed the most mundane projects of daily life,<br />

such as chaperoning a young child to school on the<br />

way to work, as a function of multiple “pockets of<br />

local order,” the path or trajectory of which is<br />

governed by three simple but fundamental contextual<br />

limitations. The first of these, the capability<br />

constraint, concerns physical limits to movement<br />

including the inability to be in two places at once.<br />

Second, a coupling constraint describes situations<br />

that compel people to come together at certain<br />

times and locations such as for face-to-face service<br />

delivery, family celebrations, medical appointments,<br />

and the like. Third, authority constraints<br />

exist in the form of legal sanctions and regulations<br />

such as those restricting entry to places selling<br />

alcohol. The most arresting image associated with<br />

this choreography is a three-dimensional prism,<br />

mapping an individual’s path in space (annotated<br />

movements across the x–y axes of a morphological<br />

map) and relating this to a time budget (the<br />

24-hour day) recorded on the z-axis.<br />

The prism renders complex situated behavior<br />

with a simplicity that is appealing but heavily<br />

criticized for the tendency to reduce webs of interaction<br />

to quantified nodes or intersections.<br />

Sweeping structures appear to displace individual<br />

agency and erase the significance of cultural practices<br />

and local knowledge. Feminist scholars point<br />

out that time is not a gender-neutral, quantitybased<br />

resource, which is equally available to everyone<br />

as a measure of the calendar or clock. The<br />

passage of time and pace of life will vary, just as<br />

people’s experience of space and place is shaped by<br />

subjectivity: power, fear, and physical capability.<br />

Despite this criticism, there are ample examples<br />

in contemporary research of the constructive<br />

application of time geography to questions of<br />

work–life balance. Moreover, it is now possible<br />

to redeploy Hägerstrand’s principles to combined<br />

GIS-ethnography initiatives, with the aid of<br />

Toilets<br />

811<br />

sophisticated satellite tracking devices. For example,<br />

researchers have exploited advanced tracking<br />

technologies to study pedestrian spatial<br />

behavior in which it is possible to incorporate a<br />

log of perceptual experience (fear, discomfort,<br />

intimidation, landscape aesthetic, and the like).<br />

Future time-geography research calls for a more<br />

integrated, materially embedded theory of everyday<br />

coordination.<br />

Helen Jarvis<br />

See also Journey to Work; Urban Geography; Urban<br />

Theory; Women and the City<br />

Further Readings<br />

Ellegård, K. 1999. “A Time Geographical Approach to<br />

the Study of Everyday Life of Individuals—A<br />

Challenge of Complexity.” GeoJournal 48:167–75.<br />

Hägerstrand, T. 1982. “Diorama, Path, and Project.”<br />

Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geographie<br />

7:329–34.<br />

Jarvis, H. 2005. “Moving to London Time: Household<br />

Co-ordination and the Infrastructure of Everyday<br />

Life.” Time and Society 14(1):133–54.<br />

Lenntorp, Bo. 2004. “Path, Prism, Project, Pocket, and<br />

Population: An Introduction.” Geografiska Annaler<br />

86B:223–26.<br />

Pred, A. 1977. “The Choreography of Existence: Some<br />

Comments on Hägerstrand’s Time-Geography and Its<br />

Effectiveness.” Economic Geography 53:207–21.<br />

To i l e T s<br />

This entry is concerned with “away from home”<br />

toilets, also known as restrooms, bathrooms,<br />

lavatories, and public conveniences. Away-fromhome<br />

toilets may be divided into two categories:<br />

those provided off the street to serve the occupants<br />

of offices, stores, factories, sports stadia,<br />

entertainment venues, and so forth and “on<br />

street” municipal public toilets for the needs of<br />

pedestrians, cyclists, public transport users, shoppers,<br />

workers, tourists, and commuters. Public<br />

toilets are essential to creating efficient, accessible,<br />

sustainable, healthy, and equitable modern <strong>cities</strong><br />

because everyone needs to use the bathroom several<br />

times a day.

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