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926 Urban Sociology<br />

windows” line of analysis. Localized studies focusing<br />

on urban political power in the United States<br />

may well emphasize the emergence of minority<br />

political cultures that have produced gains in<br />

minority leadership in urban elected and appointed<br />

offices. A broader political perspective would<br />

emphasize the crisis of dwindling resources for<br />

these older central municipalities struggling to<br />

deal with problems of job loss, homelessness,<br />

crime, and education, at the same time that they<br />

are surrounded by affluent independent suburban<br />

political entities.<br />

This comparison describes tendencies—there is<br />

nothing to prevent an ecologically oriented analysis<br />

from beginning with a broader political and<br />

economic context, or for a study of national or<br />

global patterns of the redistribution of opportunities<br />

to consider how problems are intensified by<br />

the local urban environment. But the contrasting<br />

tendencies arise from the initial impulse that orients<br />

the different modes of study, from natural<br />

analytical affinities that are produced by local versus<br />

global premises. The ecological premise of<br />

traditional sociology is inherently interested in<br />

locally produced ways of life, meanings, and<br />

behaviors. Some will continue to seek the answers<br />

to questions of social consequences within the<br />

urban environment; others will emphasize the<br />

effects that broader structural factors, particularly<br />

the forces of globalization, have on creating the<br />

conditions in those environments. Contemporary<br />

urban sociology combines both perspectives.<br />

In an earlier era, the theme of “urbanism” was<br />

called into question as overly deterministic, not<br />

allowing for the variations in style and comfort<br />

level found among diverse urban populations.<br />

More recently, assumptions about globalization as<br />

an inexorable restructuring market force, with its<br />

attendant features of deindustrialization and economic<br />

decline for <strong>cities</strong> in wealthy nations, have<br />

faced the same charge of overdetermination. Critics<br />

argue that the globalization premise cannot account<br />

for why trends have not had the same impact in<br />

every city, or even adjacent <strong>cities</strong> with similar<br />

infrastructures and industrial profiles. Some <strong>cities</strong><br />

follow the predicted pattern of industrial decline;<br />

others resist and prosper. This has led to a call for<br />

more empirical studies focused on local variables<br />

that might explain the observed differences.<br />

Giddens, in particular, has been effective in urging<br />

social scientists to abandon theories of change that<br />

assume that human beings are powerless to resist<br />

the impact of structural transformation. He has<br />

posited the idea that the human capacity to understand<br />

and modify the impact of such forces, human<br />

agency, has been underestimated by social scientists.<br />

During the 1990s the response to this call for<br />

correction took the form of a reemphasis on local<br />

studies, the effectiveness of social movements, and<br />

the potential power of urban elites to resist and<br />

alter the effects of global forces. Meanwhile, the<br />

continuing massive restructuring of urban economies<br />

in tune with global change became ever<br />

clearer within social science, just as the rhetoric<br />

and policies of national and international political<br />

bodies reflected an attitude of inevitability that a<br />

new global division of labor was emerging. There<br />

was little that anyone, including those living in <strong>cities</strong>,<br />

could do about it—other than to adjust on its<br />

terms.<br />

One of the major implications for urban sociology<br />

is that its object of study no longer represents<br />

an emerging frontier of social organization and<br />

human experience. It is even questionable whether<br />

the city can be considered an adequate unit of spatial<br />

analysis for a full understanding of changes<br />

taking place there. Early in the twentieth century<br />

Robert Park said that the “big story” of change<br />

that marked his time was to be found in the growing<br />

<strong>cities</strong>. Surrounding Park, a generation of urban<br />

sociologists sought to write the story of the city by<br />

following the ecological premise, a localist orientation.<br />

Today, urban sociology has developed into a<br />

much more diffuse body of study that includes an<br />

effort to understand the interaction between social<br />

processes occurring within the urban arena and<br />

much more broadly rooted political and economic<br />

forces. The ecological premise remains discernable<br />

as just one orientation within urban sociology.<br />

William Flanagan<br />

See also Chicago School of Urban Sociology; New Urban<br />

Sociology; Urban Ecology (Chicago School); Urban<br />

Geography; Urban Theory<br />

Further Readings<br />

Burgess, E. W. 1925. “The Growth of the City: An<br />

Introduction to a Research Project.” Pp. 45–62 in The

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