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710 Shopping<br />

develop cultural capital by knowing what these<br />

stores and districts offer, and they talk to their<br />

friends about what they saw at Bloomingdale’s or<br />

on Madison Avenue, for example. By the same<br />

token, low-price and discount stores mark lowerclass<br />

districts, including districts that are mainly<br />

used by working-class shoppers from ethnic minorities.<br />

In this way shopping informally confirms<br />

social class and racial distinctions; by providing a<br />

public space that low-income men and women find<br />

comfortable, low-price shopping streets also provide<br />

social capital. For individuals, these effects are<br />

not entirely predictable. When shoppers enter an<br />

exclusive store whose prices they cannot afford or<br />

where they are visibly out of place by how they<br />

look or dress, they may feel as though they are<br />

transgressing social boundaries—with good emotional<br />

effect, if they are treated well, or with devastating<br />

effect, if they are treated rudely by the sales<br />

clerks and harassed by security guards. Shopping<br />

places the burden of social norm enforcement on<br />

individuals apparently acting alone, yet it also creates<br />

zones of informal segregation and exclusion.<br />

Although people often shop alone, many are<br />

accompanied by friends and family. Shopping thus<br />

offers an opportunity for a social excursion—more<br />

so, if time and money are not a problem. Teenagers,<br />

the elderly, and anyone who doesn’t have much<br />

spending money often congregate on shopping streets,<br />

where passersby and shop displays present an everchanging<br />

panorama. By the 1960s, widespread automobile<br />

ownership in the United States created a more<br />

mobile public and reduced the appeal of such a streetcorner<br />

society. But until television, computers, and air<br />

conditioning increased the desire to stay indoors,<br />

shopping streets provided a great means of urban<br />

entertainment. Shopping remains a popular way to be<br />

“in public”: The more people shop, the more important<br />

shopping is as a public sphere.<br />

But shopping doesn’t require much social interaction.<br />

In supermarkets and department stores, in<br />

contrast to street and farmers’ markets, shoppers<br />

rarely speak to each other. They experience copresence<br />

rather than interdependence. Social integration<br />

in a neighborhood, however, often reflects frequent<br />

interaction between shopkeepers and residents;<br />

Jane Jacobs praised the “ballet of the street”<br />

for this interdependence. Yet bonding between<br />

shoppers and storekeepers, or between shoppers<br />

and clerks, is more typical of smaller communities<br />

than of big <strong>cities</strong>, and of regional cultures that<br />

maintain personal traditions. The disappearance<br />

of personal ties between shoppers and merchants<br />

also reflects the gradual elimination of small, individually<br />

owned stores and their replacement by<br />

large, national and transnational chains.<br />

Spaces and Forms of Distribution<br />

Like other forms of organization, the distribution<br />

of consumer goods has expanded in both scope<br />

and scale while coming under more centralized<br />

control. These changes make shopping both more<br />

pervasive and more formal, and expand the visibility<br />

of shopping in city streets. Although the earliest<br />

markets in history were held outdoors, they moved<br />

into permanent structures or stores when trading<br />

became more complex and merchants held a sizable<br />

inventory.<br />

In modern times, London was the first city to<br />

develop a large-scale, full-time, cosmopolitan shopping<br />

center. Indoor stores with shop windows<br />

became common there around 1600, although the<br />

extensive use of large sheets of plate glass did not<br />

follow until the late nineteenth century. Fixed prices<br />

replaced bargaining in stores in England and the<br />

United States during the 1870s, with the rise of the<br />

department store and the five-and-ten-cent store<br />

(“five and dime”). These new kinds of stores capitalized<br />

on industrialization that made mass-<br />

produced consumer goods available at steadily<br />

lower prices, and on the completion of national<br />

railroad lines that reached all regions of the country.<br />

Department stores and five and dimes offered more<br />

variety than the country or general stores where<br />

rural residents shopped. Yet after the postal service<br />

established Rural Free Delivery, farm dwellers also<br />

shopped in mail order catalogs sent from Chicago<br />

by Sears Roebuck and Montgomery Ward. Through<br />

both stores and catalogs, shopping spread city culture—at<br />

least, a modern consumer culture that<br />

developed first in <strong>cities</strong>—to a national population.<br />

Department stores were a force of modernity.<br />

They offered a safe public space for middle-class<br />

women, who had not been allowed to circulate<br />

freely, unaccompanied by men, outside their<br />

homes. Within decades, they also offered women<br />

many jobs. At the same time, department stores<br />

offered so many attractive products to buy, in such<br />

a stimulating, stunningly decorated décor, that<br />

men complained that women spent too much<br />

time and money shopping. To lure shoppers, the

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