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958 Walking City<br />

bias and neglect of how women engage with their<br />

urban environments.<br />

The Democratic Possibilities of Walking<br />

Urban walking has often been situated within discussions<br />

concerning the democratic and civilizing<br />

possibilities of city spaces. It has been linked with<br />

urban citizenship and noted for its emancipatory<br />

potential as people move on foot with and among<br />

strangers. For example, in the 1960s, Jane Jacobs<br />

wrote the hugely influential book The Death and<br />

Life of the Great American Cities, which stresses<br />

the importance of streets and sidewalks to the<br />

unplanned interaction of strangers, and the role<br />

these interactions play in maintaining safe urban<br />

areas. It is argued that a well-used street is a safe<br />

street, and successful city neighborhoods are those<br />

that use the presence of strangers as a safety measure<br />

in increasing the number of eyes on the<br />

street.<br />

Furthermore, in the 1970s, Richard Sennett<br />

wrote about the nature of encounters between<br />

strangers when walking and negotiating public<br />

space in the city. He proposes that the social heterogeneity<br />

of public urban spaces offers unpredictable<br />

encounters that are democratic and civilizing.<br />

The work of French social theorist Michel de<br />

Certeau also frames walking as a form of urban<br />

emancipation that opens up a range of democratic<br />

possibilities. Within this context, walking can be<br />

understood as a distinctly political act. De Certeau<br />

rejects the notion that pedestrians are shaped by<br />

urban space and control and explores walking as a<br />

mode of political resistance. He distinguishes<br />

between the strategies of the powerful in their production<br />

of space and the tactics of pedestrians who<br />

disrupt the rational plan of the city.<br />

Engaging with movement as a form of political<br />

resistance was also drawn on by Guy Debord in<br />

the notion of the dérive. Like the flâneur’s walk,<br />

the derive constituted a drifting motion around<br />

and through the city, a movement that represented<br />

a political statement against the rational, ordered,<br />

capitalist city. Events such as Reclaim the Night<br />

are more contemporary examples of these pedestrian<br />

acts of resistance, whereby walking on the<br />

street at night constitutes resistance to the dominant<br />

view that women cannot walk at night without<br />

the presence of men.<br />

However, the emancipatory potential and democratic<br />

possibilities of urban walking are far from<br />

straightforward and unproblematic. For example,<br />

much of the literature on walking in the city is<br />

imbued with a degree of romanticism; walking is<br />

often considered, without question, as a positive<br />

urban practice. This romanticism is also a theme<br />

that runs through urban and pedestrian policy,<br />

particularly in relation to promoting healthy <strong>cities</strong><br />

and walking-to-school and -work campaigns. Once<br />

the physical environment is considered to be<br />

pedestrian friendly, the negative aspects of walking<br />

in the city are rarely called into question.<br />

The fear often experienced by the urban pedestrian<br />

illustrates some of the limitations in considering<br />

walking as an emancipatory practice. There is<br />

no doubt that fear of crime is a phenomenon that<br />

shapes <strong>cities</strong> and has a great impact on the practice<br />

of walking in terms of how, where, and if people<br />

walk. Research has started to reveal the complexities<br />

of geographies of fear overlooked by policy,<br />

including work by Rachel Pain and Gill Valentine.<br />

However, there is little in the way in which geographies<br />

of fear influence and limit the emancipatory<br />

potential of urban walking.<br />

The contradictions and complexities surrounding<br />

the practice of walking and its emancipatory<br />

potential are perhaps best exemplified by some of<br />

the academic writings on women’s experiences in<br />

urban public spaces. For example, Elizabeth Wilson<br />

draws specific attention to how the city is a place<br />

of excitement and opportunity for women and not<br />

just a place to be feared. Thus, it is possible for<br />

women not only to experience fear as they negotiate<br />

urban public space but also to find freedom<br />

when roaming the streets. This freedom and fear<br />

associated with pedestrian activity in the urban<br />

environment illustrate the ambivalence that surrounds<br />

the practice of walking in the city.<br />

Mobilities, Time, Space, Rhythm<br />

However, walking in the city needs to be situated<br />

within the multiple spatiotemporal rhythms of<br />

everyday urban practices to understand how the<br />

time–space routines of pedestrian movements and<br />

the city emerge out of and shape individual and collective<br />

urban walking patterns. Concerns with<br />

mobility have become increasingly established in<br />

providing critiques of place-based accounts of social

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