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or its style, or its placement. Some graffiti writers<br />

take sides in such debates, whereas others work<br />

across these different realms, putting on gallery<br />

shows and doing legal commissions (sometimes<br />

under the label of street art) in the public realm<br />

while maintaining an active profile on the streets<br />

through uncommissioned and illegal graffiti work.<br />

More work remains to be done to bring the<br />

insights of graffiti writers into dialogue with scholarly<br />

discussions in sociology, criminology, and urban<br />

geography about the urban public realm. In particular,<br />

there is certainly more scope for research that<br />

asks what graffiti writers themselves tell us about the<br />

city. As they inhabit the city in different ways and<br />

mobilize urban space for different purposes in the<br />

face of significant normative and legal regulation,<br />

have graffiti writers developed new insights into the<br />

nature of the <strong>cities</strong> in which they write? Criminologist<br />

Jeff Ferrell’s work on graffiti begins to address such<br />

questions. Ferrell has firsthand experience to draw<br />

on, having himself been an active graffiti writer and<br />

arrested for graffiti writing. He situates graffiti<br />

among a range of urban practices that point toward<br />

alternative and more anarchic ways of inhabiting the<br />

city and negotiating urban life.<br />

See also Crime; Hip Hop; Urban Semiotics<br />

Further References<br />

Kurt Iveson<br />

Austin, Jon. 2001. Taking the Train: How Graffiti<br />

Became an Urban Crisis in New York City. New<br />

York: Columbia University Press.<br />

Cooper, Martha and Henry Chalfant. 1984. Subway Art.<br />

London: Thames and Hudson Ltd.<br />

Cresswell, Tim. 1996. In Place/Out of Place: Geography,<br />

Ideology, and Transgression. Minneapolis: University<br />

of Minnesota Press.<br />

de Certeau, Michel. 1984. The Practice of Everyday Life.<br />

Berkeley: University of California Press.<br />

Ferrell, Jeff. 1993. Crimes of Style: Urban Graffiti and<br />

the Politics of Criminality. New York: Garland.<br />

———. 2002. Tearing Down the Streets: Adventures in<br />

Urban Anarchy. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave.<br />

Iveson, Kurt. 2007. Publics and the City. Oxford, UK:<br />

Blackwell.<br />

Macdonald, Nancy. 2001. The Graffiti Subculture:<br />

Youth, Masculinity, and Identity in London and New<br />

York. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave.<br />

Growth Machine<br />

329<br />

McDonald, Kevin. 1999. Struggles for Subjectivity:<br />

Identity, Action, and Youth Experience. Melbourne,<br />

Australia: Cambridge University Press.<br />

Sennett, Richard. 1994. Flesh and Stone: The Body and<br />

the City in Western Civilization. London: Faber and<br />

Faber.<br />

Wilson, James Q. and George L. Kelling. 1982. “Broken<br />

Windows: The Police and Neighborhood Safety.” The<br />

Atlantic Monthly, March.<br />

Gr o w t H ma C H i n e<br />

The growth machine concept appears most systematically<br />

developed in John Logan’s and Harvey<br />

Molotch’s Urban Fortunes, published in 1987.<br />

The book follows a series of research papers by<br />

the authors and develops the ideas crafted by<br />

Molotch in his 1976 classic paper, “The City as a<br />

Growth Machine.” In these pieces, Logan and<br />

Molotch proposed a distinct approach to urban<br />

theory. This entry looks at the idea’s evolution, its<br />

current application, and cross-national contrasts.<br />

Conceptual Background<br />

In the 1970s, the field of urban sociology—and<br />

other fields focusing on urban research such as<br />

economics, urban geography, and planning—were<br />

proponents of the idea that <strong>cities</strong> could be understood<br />

as mere containers of human action.<br />

According to this idea—which echoes the original<br />

proposals of the Chicago School—a competition<br />

among actors takes place in the city for land and<br />

other resources. City form, distribution of land<br />

uses, and central place theory can be explained by<br />

this seemingly impersonal competition. By opposing<br />

this approach, the growth machine idea placed<br />

social action in the urban realm at the forefront of<br />

analysis.<br />

Emerging to explain the political economy of the<br />

city, the growth machine idea countered the structuralist<br />

overtones present in urban theory since the<br />

publication in 1972 of Harvey’s Social Justice and<br />

the City and Castells’s The Urban Question by<br />

focusing on urban actors rather than forces. Explicit<br />

in the concept is the claim that land parcels are<br />

linked to specific interests, especially commercial,<br />

sentimental, and psychological interests. Prominent

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