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exceptionality of the space in relation to the state<br />

and the law. Representations of the camp in its ideal<br />

form as an exceptional and depoliticized space have<br />

been criticized, however, for ignoring the specificity<br />

and historical material reality that such camps take<br />

and the various social, political, geographic, and<br />

economic relations that constitute them.<br />

A second strand of theorizing, more predominant<br />

in sociology and urban geography and anthropology,<br />

involves researching other global <strong>cities</strong> of<br />

the South and the precarious urban spaces within<br />

these <strong>cities</strong>, such as the slum or shantytown. Here<br />

research often centers on providing alternative<br />

theorizing to questions of globalization and global<br />

<strong>cities</strong> and notions of modernity and urban development.<br />

Additionally, this strand highlights the<br />

socio-cultural-political, and not just economic,<br />

dynamics of these city-spaces, investigating them<br />

as particular lived political, social, cultural, and<br />

economic places. Taking as its starting point the<br />

perspective of those marginalized within these<br />

spaces, this strand of theorizing investigates these<br />

other urban forms as important objects of analysis<br />

in their own right but also, in doing so, casts critical<br />

analysis back onto the more traditional notion<br />

of the global city from the perspective of those<br />

excluded from, and yet also central to, its functioning<br />

and the concentration of wealth and power<br />

that accumulate. Finally, both strands of theorizing<br />

have generated interest into questions of how<br />

those resigned to reside in these other urban spaces<br />

actually live by accepting, negotiating, and often<br />

resisting the conditions of these spaces, not as passive<br />

victims, but as political agents of change. This<br />

is the focus of a third strand of research that centers<br />

on other global city spaces as sites of resistance<br />

and cosmopolitanism.<br />

The Global City as Site of<br />

Resistance and Cosmopolitanism<br />

As noted earlier, Saskia Sassen understood global<br />

<strong>cities</strong> to be, not just sites of wealth and power<br />

accumulation, but also places where new forms of<br />

transnational politics emerge. In the 1960s Henri<br />

Lefebvre argued that “the right to the city” (having<br />

presence and participating in the city, in part, by<br />

appropriating and using its space) was a first right<br />

prior to being able to claim other rights. Echoing<br />

Lefebvre, Sassen argued that it was through global<br />

Other Global Cities<br />

577<br />

<strong>cities</strong> that marginalized peoples, nevertheless, acquired<br />

“presence” in the city and could thereby engage as<br />

political actors and make claims to rights to the city.<br />

By contrast, “other global <strong>cities</strong>” are spaces of<br />

exclusion that rely on exactly the opposite spatial<br />

logic described by Lefebvre and, later, Sassen.<br />

These other spaces deny presence to people by<br />

hindering the visibility, association, recognition,<br />

status, and rights that come with being of the city.<br />

However, as Engin Isin’s work on citizenship and<br />

the city has demonstrated, “being political” may<br />

owe less to the citizens of the city than to those<br />

excluded from it and the multiple ways they find<br />

to engage and claim belonging and rights to<br />

the city.<br />

Such ideas have generated interest in researching<br />

other urban forms as social and political spaces<br />

and the politics of citizenship emerging from them.<br />

Within more activist theorizing, this interest has<br />

inspired the creation of new cartographies from<br />

the perspective of noncitizen migrant and refugee<br />

rights groups (such as Migreurope’s map of Europe,<br />

with foreigners’ camps replacing <strong>cities</strong> as the focal<br />

points, or Humane Borders’ map of the U.S.–<br />

Mexico border drawn around points of known<br />

water stations and deaths). In this activist theorizing,<br />

spaces of exclusion are understood not simply<br />

as containers of space but as processes. As with<br />

traditional global city literature, spaces of exclusion<br />

(such as detention centers and camps) are<br />

connected as part of a global network of spaces<br />

but one based on processes of exclusion, expulsion,<br />

and containment (e.g., through processes of<br />

incarceration, deportation, border policing, and<br />

the extraterritorialization [or externalization] of<br />

asylum and visa processing).<br />

Alongside this, a different trajectory has focused<br />

on theorizing spaces of exception informed by a<br />

logic of hospitality and reception rather than<br />

exclusion. Here, Jacques Derrida’s concept of a<br />

“city of refuge” as an autonomous city, independent<br />

from other <strong>cities</strong> and part of a network of<br />

allied <strong>cities</strong> that share a commitment to exercising<br />

an ethic of hospitality to the Other, has been influential.<br />

Research in this vein investigates such alternative<br />

spaces of hospitality as sanctuaries, sanctuary<br />

<strong>cities</strong>, refugee welcome zones and towns, and hatefree<br />

zones. It has also invigorated theorizing<br />

about alternative forms of urban politics particularly<br />

in relation to displaced peoples, migrants,

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