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454 Local Government<br />

local level to motivate participation, such as competitive<br />

political parties or media; and (2) local<br />

politics lacks the dramatic and emotive matters of<br />

high consequence, such as war and nationalism as<br />

well as charismatic politicians. Furthermore, in<br />

many cases, small-scale political institutions are<br />

equally if not more likely to encourage parochial<br />

self-interested behavior rather than cooperative<br />

and cosmopolitan attitudes and behaviors. Local<br />

jurisdictions of local government are often vulnerable<br />

to “state capture” by local elites, who then<br />

advance policies that are not responsive to the full<br />

range of interests in the local community.<br />

In sum, historical experience shows that de<br />

Tocqueville’s and Mill’s equation of localism with<br />

greater democratic control is misleading: The<br />

premise that tackling a democratic deficit necessarily<br />

implies greater political decentralization to<br />

municipalities is not a priori sustainable. The<br />

objective of deepening democratic governance at<br />

all levels of government is not necessarily incompatible<br />

with greater central government control<br />

and even a diminished political role for lower levels<br />

of government. The unit of analysis for democratic<br />

institutions is primarily the intergovernmental system<br />

as a whole rather than local or central levels<br />

taken independently.<br />

Paradigms in the Study<br />

of Local Government<br />

Given its decentralized and federal structure and<br />

prominent <strong>cities</strong>, the United States has the most<br />

extensive theoretical debates over the nature of<br />

local government. These debates, which focus on<br />

issues including community power, comparative<br />

historical and political sociology, and urban<br />

regime theory, have influenced debates in other<br />

countries to greater or lesser extents.<br />

The debate over community power has contrasted<br />

three paradigms, seeking to account for<br />

the nature of political power in local urban settings.<br />

Elite power theorists claim that local governments<br />

are dominated by social and economic<br />

elites and that politics and policy are shaped in<br />

accordance with elite interests, thereby marginalizing<br />

the interests of ethnic and racial minorities<br />

and the poor. In contrast, pluralists, such as Robert<br />

Dahl in his famous study of local politics in the<br />

city of New Haven, Connecticut (United States),<br />

claim that in fact local government is an arena of<br />

competing political, economic, and social groups,<br />

which combine to shape the policy decisions of<br />

the local government. The different arenas of<br />

power do not accumulate into a single elite.<br />

Radical critics advance the idea that not all pertinent<br />

issues are permitted to reach the arena of<br />

pluralist bargaining between groups. Local elites<br />

and masses are subject to ideological biases<br />

against raising certain issues for debate (such as<br />

significant income redistribution in a capitalist<br />

system). These taboo issues are thus kept off the<br />

agenda, either as a result of conscious design or<br />

unconscious or ideological biases.<br />

In an influential synthesis, Paul Peterson<br />

reversed the established causality between politics<br />

and policy: He argued that it was more fruitful to<br />

view the types of local politics (elitist, pluralist, or<br />

radical) as resulting from the nature of the policy<br />

tasks required of local governments (economic<br />

growth, allocation of economically neutral public<br />

services within the city, and redistribution, respectively).<br />

Where <strong>cities</strong> are forced to compete for<br />

economic resources (a situation particularly characterizing<br />

the United States but less so in other<br />

settings such as France or the United Kingdom),<br />

city politics is highly constrained.<br />

Another influential strand in the study of local<br />

government draws on comparative historical and<br />

political sociology. Ira Katznelson’s City Trenches<br />

demonstrated that different local government systems<br />

and the different political and sociospatial<br />

contexts in which they are embedded have played<br />

an important role in shaping local social movements<br />

as well as determining the boundaries of<br />

what local government can do.<br />

Over the last two decades, urban regime theory<br />

has dominated the American political science and<br />

urban studies literature on local government. It<br />

seeks to develop a classification of local governments<br />

in terms of the relationships that local government<br />

has with the private sector and local civil<br />

society. Different types of relationship and influence<br />

lead to different types of urban regime.<br />

However, it is unclear to what extent this paradigm<br />

represents an advance over earlier debates;<br />

moreover, its applicability outside the U.S. context<br />

has been questioned. This paradigm should<br />

not be confused with debates over regime change.<br />

In post-communist Eastern Europe, for example,

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