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Defining Surveillance<br />

Surveillance may be considered as the systematic<br />

collection, classification, and sorting of information<br />

about subject populations for the purposes of<br />

behavioral adjustment or control. As such it is<br />

crucial to our understanding of the evolution of<br />

the city and of modernity. It is essential to differentiate<br />

surveillance from simpler activities of information<br />

gathering or watching. Surveillance requires<br />

the gathering of information of some kind, from<br />

the directly sensory to the indirect or technologically<br />

mediated; however, to be surveillance, the<br />

gathering of information must be conducted systematically.<br />

Accidental or contingent acquisition of<br />

information is not surveillance; however, many<br />

activities in which surveillance is involved, like<br />

espionage, may involve the combination of contingently<br />

acquired and systematically acquired data.<br />

Surveillance must also be purposeful and directed<br />

at the altering of behavior in some way; many<br />

forms of systematic information gathering have<br />

purposes that are not surveillant.<br />

Surveillance may also be differentiated according<br />

to the object of surveillance, and in particular<br />

between targeted and mass surveillance. Targeted<br />

surveillance specifies the object of surveillance in<br />

advance and concentrates only on that object,<br />

whereas mass surveillance provides an overview<br />

without specifying any particular object in advance.<br />

In practice, these forms are a spectrum and often<br />

interconnected. For example, an open-street video<br />

surveillance system may be used for the mass surveillance<br />

of crowds in urban streets; however, if<br />

one individual arouses the suspicion of operators<br />

or the attention of biometric or behavioral recognition<br />

software, the same system can then be used<br />

to target and track that person.<br />

History of Urban Surveillance<br />

The city itself exists partly as a mechanism for<br />

surveillance. The concentration of populations in<br />

an intensely territorialized space enables the counting<br />

and monitoring of people. Historically, many<br />

<strong>cities</strong> were both bounded by a city wall and internally<br />

divided. Gates provided pinch points and<br />

filters, a location for sorting people out: counting,<br />

checking goods and possessions, verification or<br />

identification, disease control, taxation, and the<br />

Surveillance<br />

787<br />

enforcement of fines and punishments. For example,<br />

premodern Beijing had a series of concentric<br />

walls that separated the city on the basis of the<br />

importance of its inhabitants; individual alleys<br />

barred by wooden lattice gates were guarded and<br />

closed at night. Many city-states had special areas<br />

reserved for traders. Particular resident “others”<br />

were also spatially confined; for example, beginning<br />

in 1516 in Venice, Jews were restricted to the<br />

ghetto nuovo (literally “new quarter”).<br />

Many early modern systems of order were<br />

based around generalized safety such as the hierarchical<br />

fire-wardening system and watchtowers of<br />

tinderbox Edo (Tokyo) or the Dutch polder model<br />

of community responsibility for maintaining flood<br />

dikes. Sometimes, control of natural disasters gave<br />

opportunities for ruling classes to institute wider<br />

moral controls: policies developed in city-states of<br />

northern Italy in response to the great plague of<br />

1346–1350 combined concern about urban health<br />

and social unrest, laying the foundations for modern<br />

systems of epidemiology and census. More<br />

often, surveillance was part of a strategy of securitization,<br />

for example, the multiple informer and spies<br />

of Ottoman Istanbul or prerevolutionary Paris.<br />

In the modern period, there was a general move<br />

toward the use of surveillance to resolve perceived<br />

moral problems associated with the rebellious, the<br />

mad, the poor, and the vagrant. Whereas such<br />

people had previously been outcast and transported<br />

or even executed by urban elites, new places of confinement,<br />

from workhouses to prisons to asylums,<br />

emerged in the early modern period to house them.<br />

Historian of ideas, Michel Foucault, famously used<br />

Jeremy Bentham’s Panopticon as the spatial exemplar<br />

of this shift in thinking. In this plan for an ideal<br />

reformatory prison, prisoners were expected to alter<br />

their behavior through the belief that they were<br />

constantly monitored. Although such ideals never<br />

fully materialized in any prison that was built, surveillance<br />

both as an idea and as a practice infiltrated<br />

state and private organizations, from factories to<br />

schools. Originating in arms production, in factories,<br />

new systems of rational management, which<br />

monitored and organized the time and activity of<br />

workers, were introduced along with spatial ordering<br />

techniques like the production line.<br />

However, despite a long concern with identification<br />

and the nature of the person, surveillance<br />

remained relatively unsystematic at a state level,

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