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686 São Paulo, Brazil<br />

But although the 1980s were politically strong,<br />

the economy was characterized by high inflation,<br />

high public debt and low economic growth. In fact,<br />

the period represented a large crisis in the import<br />

substitution model. After several failures, an economic<br />

plan—known as Plano Real—managed to<br />

control inflation in 1994. At the same time, the federal<br />

government substantially opened the Brazilian<br />

economy, leading to an important economic restructuring.<br />

As a result, wages decreased and unemployment,<br />

precarious jobs, and informality increased.<br />

São Paulo’s share in the national industrial economy<br />

was reduced from 35.9 percent in 1990 to 25.7<br />

percent in 2005, while tertiary positions became<br />

more relevant. Several studies, however, showed<br />

that if an area of 150 kilometers from the city is<br />

considered, the deconcentration almost disappears,<br />

in what the literature called concentrated deconcentration.<br />

The relative rise of service activities, however,<br />

was substantial, although the city still houses<br />

a significant Fordist economy. Since 2003, the<br />

already restructured local economy has returned to<br />

growth, based on secondary and tertiary activities,<br />

consolidating a new kind of centrality that combines<br />

old and new activities and enlarges its hinterland<br />

to a substantial part of South America. As part<br />

of this process, the city has received a new wave of<br />

international migrants, this time from Peru and<br />

Bolivia, who have come to work mainly in sweatshops<br />

in the garment district of the city.<br />

As a result of the degrading labor market conditions,<br />

poverty increased substantially in São Paulo<br />

in the late 1990s, combining traditional forms of<br />

deprivation with new types of poverty associated<br />

with the lower levels of the globalized service<br />

economy. At the same time, however, social indicators<br />

and the access to public services improved<br />

in most areas of the city. In fact, basic services and<br />

social services—especially health and education—<br />

were almost universalized, although still with low<br />

quality. Urban violence, and different types of<br />

crime, grew. In the periferias, this urban experience,<br />

with its combination of daily contact with<br />

violence and hopes for a better future, led to the<br />

rise of vibrant cultural expressions, mainly in graffiti<br />

and music, including hip hop and rap. These<br />

expressions have been paralleled by the dissemination<br />

of representations of the periferias and the<br />

shantytowns in popular culture and in cultural<br />

production more generally, such as in the movies<br />

and in the literature, in a recent social discovery of<br />

those spaces by society.<br />

However, the sense of insecurity has become<br />

widespread, leading to the appearance of gated<br />

communities, even in lower-middle-class developments.<br />

In some regions, urban developers have<br />

created wealthy enclaves inside specific periferias.<br />

This process, also experienced by other <strong>cities</strong> in the<br />

world, restricted public space and created situations<br />

in which social distance and spatial proximity<br />

coexist, forging a spatial metaphor of Brazilian<br />

social inequalities. Although large gated communities<br />

are still localized phenomena, the sense of<br />

insecurity has changed buildings and public spaces<br />

all over the city through the spread of fences, gates,<br />

and surveillance equipment.<br />

In spatial terms, the periferias and the shantytowns<br />

have become increasingly heterogeneous<br />

socially and territorially. Nevertheless, regardless of<br />

the improvements in public policies and in social<br />

heterogeneity, the center of the metropolis remains<br />

highly exclusive, and so does the spatial concentration<br />

of opportunities and amenities. The structure<br />

of macro-segregation, therefore, remains almost<br />

untouched and appears to be the most resilient and<br />

durable of the high social inequalities that characterize<br />

São Paulo, opposing well-located and -equipped<br />

spaces that house increasingly sophisticated service<br />

activities and high-income social groups, to very<br />

distant and relatively isolated peripheries, inhabited<br />

by the large majority of the population.<br />

Observed at a distance, this historical trajectory<br />

turned São Paulo from a small and provincial center<br />

to the largest metropolis in South America, the home<br />

of vibrant cultural movements and economic activities<br />

that influence the whole region. Marked by<br />

segregation and social inequalities in both social and<br />

spatial terms, the city has retained and reproduced in<br />

new and more complex ways its exclusionary character,<br />

regardless of the important improvements<br />

achieved in the past decades. This large-scale combination<br />

of cosmopolitan and modern facets with old<br />

and new poverties, understood both socially and<br />

spatially, is what makes São Paulo one of the possible<br />

urban futures for many other <strong>cities</strong>.<br />

Eduardo Marques<br />

See also Buenos Aires, Argentina; Crime; Divided Cities;<br />

Favela; Gated Community

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