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508 Metropolitan Governance<br />

Despite these variations, metropolitan governance<br />

today is generally associated with a shared<br />

belief in the need for and the virtues of international<br />

competitiveness. Most citizens, elected representatives,<br />

bureaucrats, and civic leaders have<br />

internalized the idea that working together on a<br />

metropolitan scale will increase competitiveness in<br />

global markets and produce prosperity and happiness.<br />

This belief is at the core of the legitimation<br />

strategies for metropolitan governance reforms.<br />

This is not to say, that no one is contesting this<br />

idea. The problem for critics, however, is that<br />

transformation in interest-mediation mechanisms<br />

have made it more difficult for them to be heard.<br />

Interest-Mediation Mechanisms<br />

Traditionally, political parties, periodic elections,<br />

and corporate organizations such as trade unions<br />

or boards of trade were the main mechanisms to<br />

arbitrate between conflicting interests. Critical<br />

voices could thus be heard in an organized fashion.<br />

With the transformations under way since the<br />

1980s, points of access to the decision-making process<br />

have multiplied at the same time as they have<br />

weakened. On the one hand, public consultations,<br />

the use of mainstream media channels, the creation<br />

of information hotlines by public agencies, and<br />

high-visibility urban projects have made urban<br />

politics more present in people’s daily lives. On the<br />

other hand, the channels through which citizens<br />

can influence decision making depend more and<br />

more on personal networks. Unelected actors make<br />

important decisions outside of democratic accountability<br />

mechanisms, and access to these decision<br />

makers depends on personal networks. To counter<br />

these back-corridor decision-making practices,<br />

alternative forms of activism such as demonstrations<br />

and social justice work have become an integral<br />

part of the political life of metropolitan areas.<br />

Policy Implementation and Evaluation<br />

The consolidation–fragmentation debate was<br />

centered on the quest for the most effective and<br />

equitable service delivery system at the least cost<br />

for taxpayers. Programs were considered successful<br />

if residents were satisfied. The recent metropolitan<br />

governance debate is largely shaped by international<br />

transfers of knowledge on best practices,<br />

accompanied by ever more sophisticated performance<br />

measures and ranking schemes such as, for<br />

instance, Richard Florida’s controversial Creative<br />

Index, which measures the proportion of educated,<br />

artistic, high-technology, and foreign-born population<br />

in <strong>cities</strong> to assess their potential for innovation<br />

and economic growth. In addition, authoritative<br />

auditing instruments based on legal contracts,<br />

norms, accounting categories, and new surveillance<br />

technologies aim to control how grant money is<br />

spent and how employees work.<br />

City-Regions as Collective Actors<br />

Internally, metropolitan governance refers to a profound<br />

transformation of the political process in<br />

terms of the multinodal and networked spatial configuration<br />

of political exchanges and the emergence<br />

of new decision-making, legitimating, interest-mediation,<br />

and evaluation mechanisms. Externally,<br />

metropolitan governance means the constitution of<br />

the city-region as a collective actor on global markets<br />

and in international governmental relations.<br />

Seeing the city-region as a collective actor with<br />

the capacity to coordinate interests and actors<br />

and to represent the city externally implies a sense<br />

of common purpose rather than internal conflict.<br />

This may give the impression of a depoliticized<br />

region where there is a strong agreement on governing<br />

priorities. This apparent consensus, however,<br />

is usually the result of political struggles<br />

between interest-based strategizing practices. In<br />

Toronto, for example, the role of coalitions such<br />

as the Toronto City Summit Alliance, led by the<br />

Board of Trade, United Way, and union leaders,<br />

in fostering a common identity for the city-region<br />

is central. The dominant role of transnational<br />

capital within this coalition, created in 2002, is<br />

linked with its interest in making Toronto more<br />

competitive and amenable to global business. It<br />

also symbolizes the development of new strategies<br />

to influence the political process. While transnational<br />

banks, finance, trade, and multinational<br />

corporations have traditionally not been very<br />

involved in metropolitan politics in Toronto, preferring<br />

lobbying strategies at the national level,<br />

there has been a rescaling of their political activities<br />

toward metropolitan politics. They have<br />

become the most visible leaders of metropolitan<br />

governance in Toronto.

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