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DƯỢC LÍ Goodman & Gilman's The Pharmacological Basis of Therapeutics 12th, 2010

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the time the patent is filed. During this period, the

patent owner may bring suit to prevent others from marketing

the product, giving the manufacturer of the

brand-name version exclusive rights to market and sell

the drug. When the patent expires, equivalent products

can come on the market, where they are sold much

more cheaply than the original drug, and without the

huge development costs borne by the original patent

holder. The marketer of the so-called generic product

must demonstrate “therapeutic equivalence” of the new

product: it must contain equal amounts of the same

active chemical ingredient and achieve equal concentrations

in blood when administered by the same routes.

Note, however, that the long time course of drug

development, usually more than 10 years (Figure 1–1),

dramatically reduces the time during which patent protection

functions as intended. Although The Drug Price

Competition and Patent Term Restoration Act of 1984

(the “Hatch-Waxman Act”) permits a patent holder to

apply for extension of a patent term to compensate for

delays in marketing due to FDA approval processes,

patents can be extended only for half the time period

consumed by the regulatory approval process, for a

maximum of 14 years. The average new drug brought

to market now enjoys only ~10-12 years of patent protection.

Some argue that patent protection for drugs

should be shortened, based on the hope that earlier

generic competition will lower healthcare costs. The

counter-argument is that new drugs would have to bear

higher prices to provide adequate compensation to

companies during a shorter period of protected time. If

that is true, lengthening patent protection would actually

permit lower prices. Recall that patent protection is

worth little if a superior competitive product is invented

and brought to market at any time in the patent cycle.

Drug Promotion

In an ideal world, physicians would learn all they need

to know about drugs from the medical literature, and

good drugs would thereby sell themselves; we are a

long way from the ideal. Instead we have print advertising

and visits from salespeople directed at physicians,

and extensive so-called “direct-to-consumer”

advertising aimed at the public (in print, on the radio,

and especially on television). There are roughly

100,000 pharmaceutical sales representatives in the

U.S. who target ~10 times that number of physicians.

It has been noted that college cheerleading squads are

attractive sources for recruitment of this sales force.

The amount spent on promotion of drugs approximates

or perhaps even exceeds that spent on research and

development. Pharmaceutical companies have been

especially vulnerable to criticism for some of their

marketing practices.

Promotional materials used by pharmaceutical companies

cannot deviate from information contained in the package insert. In

addition, there must be an acceptable balance between presentation of

therapeutic claims for a product and discussion of unwanted effects.

Nevertheless, direct-to-consumer advertising of drugs remains controversial

and is permitted only in the U.S. and New Zealand. Physicians

frequently succumb with misgivings to patients’ advertising-driven

requests for specific medications. The counter-argument is that

patients are educated by such marketing efforts and in many cases

will then seek medical care, especially for conditions that they may

have been denying (e.g., depression) (Donohue et al., 2007).

The major criticism of drug marketing involves some of the

unsavory approaches used to influence physician behavior. Gifts of

value (e.g., sports tickets) are now forbidden, but dinners where

drug-prescribing information is presented are widespread. Large

numbers of physicians are paid as “consultants” to make presentations

in such settings. It has been noted that the pharmaceutical companies’

sales representatives frequently deliver more pizza and free

drug samples than information to a doctor’s office. These practices

have now been brought squarely into the public view, and acceptance

of any gift, no matter how small, from a drug company by a physician,

is now forbidden at many academic medical centers and by law

in several states (e.g., Vermont and Minnesota).

The board of directors of the Pharmaceutical Research and

Manufacturers of America (PhRMA) has recently adopted an

enhanced code on relationships with U.S. healthcare professionals.

This code prohibits the distribution of non-educational items, prohibits

company sales representatives from providing restaurant meals

to healthcare professionals, and requires companies to ensure that

their representatives are trained about laws and regulations that govern

interactions with healthcare professionals.

Exploitation or “Medical Imperialism”

There is concern about the degree to which U.S. and

European patent protection laws have restricted access

to potentially life-saving drugs in developing countries.

Because development of new drugs is so expensive, private-sector

investment in pharmaceutical innovation

naturally has focused on products that will have lucrative

markets in wealthy countries such as the U.S.,

which combines patent protection with a free-market

economy. However, to lower costs, companies increasingly

test their experimental drugs outside the U.S. and

the E.U., in countries such as China, India, Russia, and

Mexico, where there is less regulation and easier access

to large numbers of patients. If the drug is successful

in obtaining marketing approval, consumers in these

countries often cannot afford the drugs they helped to

develop. Some ethicists have argued that this practice

13

CHAPTER 1

DRUG INVENTION AND THE PHARMACEUTICAL INDUSTRY

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