19.09.2013 Views

Roar Mikalsen - HUMAN RISING - radiofri..

Roar Mikalsen - HUMAN RISING - radiofri..

Roar Mikalsen - HUMAN RISING - radiofri..

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

578 James Ostrowski sier dette om narkotikalovenes manglende rettmessighet:<br />

“The year before repeal, 500,000 Americans would have died from illnesses related to over<br />

eating and lack of exercise; 390,000, from smoking: and 150,000, from drinking alcohol.<br />

About 3,000 would have died from cocaine, heroin, and marijuana combined, with many of<br />

these deaths the result of the lack of quality control in the black market. The day after<br />

repeal, cocaine, heroin, and marijuana would, by and large, do no harm to those who chose<br />

not to consume them. In contrast, the day before prohibition repeal, all Americans, whether<br />

or not they chose to use illegal drugs, were forced to endure the violence, street crime,<br />

erosion of civil liberties, corruption, and social and economic decay caused by the war on<br />

drugs.<br />

That is why, at this point in the argument, drug legalization unavoidably becomes a moral<br />

issue. The war on drugs is immoral as well as impractical. It imposes enormous costs,<br />

including the ultimate cost of death, on large numbers of non-drug-abusing citizens in the<br />

failed attempt to save a relatively small group of hard-core drug abusers from themselves. It<br />

is immoral and absurd to force some people to bear costs so that others might be prevented<br />

from choosing to do harm to themselves. This crude utilitarian sacrifice — so at odds with<br />

traditional American values — has never been, and can never be, justified. That is why the<br />

war on drugs must end and why it will be ended once the public comes to understand the<br />

truth about this destructive policy”. James Ostrowski ,Thinking about Drug Legalization,<br />

Policy analysis nr. 121 Cato institute. Funnet på<br />

http://www.cato.org/pub_display.php?pub_id=981<br />

579<br />

Straffeloven § 4 sier at loven gjelder med de begrensninger som er anerkjent i folkeretten<br />

eller som følger av overenskomst med fremmed stat, og som Erik Møse sier:<br />

”I følge straffeloven § 1 annet ledd gjelder loven med de begrensninger som følger av<br />

overenskomst med fremmed stat eller av folkeretten for øvrig. (…) I forarbeidene til<br />

menneskerettsloven er det lagt til grunn at straffelovgivningen må vike dersom det skulle<br />

vise seg at en menneskerettskonvensjon som Norge er tilsluttet, setter snevrere grenser for<br />

adgangen til å straffe enn den norske straffelovgivning” (Erik Møse, Menneskerettigheter s<br />

178).<br />

580<br />

Ibid s 178. Videre forteller Møse at: ”I følge forarbeidene til denne bestemmelsen skal<br />

loven bidra til å redusere den usikkerhet som i noen grad har hersket om<br />

menneskerettskonvensjoners rettslige stilling, øke kunnskapen om dem og signalisere<br />

menneskerettighetenes viktige plass i norsk retts- og samfunnsliv.”<br />

581 Ibid s 95<br />

582 Aall fortsetter, og sier dette om prosedabilitet: ”Prosedabilitet er noe mer enn den blanke<br />

påstand, [og] noe mindre enn visshet om at en krenkelse har funnet sted. Dvs: Klagen må<br />

ikke være åpenbart ugrunnet” (Jørgen Aall, Rettsstat og Menneskerettigheter s 68).<br />

542

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!