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Примењена лингвистика у част Ранку Бугарском - Језик у

Примењена лингвистика у част Ранку Бугарском - Језик у

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JEZIK U UPOTREBI / LANGUAGE IN USE<br />

nian, the former Serbo-Croatian, Albanian, Romani, Greek and/or one or more of<br />

the Balkan Romance languages. 6 Some of them are more widespread than others,<br />

some are still standard, some obsolete, and some dialectal, but they all have their<br />

places in the histories of the Balkan languages. The issue of route of transmission<br />

is also complex, insofar as Arabisms entered Malay not only directly but also via<br />

Persianisms in Indic (cf. Jones 2007: xxii). In a sense the Balkan case is simpler,<br />

since words ultimately of Arabic origin that entered the Balkans via sources other<br />

than Turkish, e.g. via ancient contacts between Arabs and Europeans or other<br />

West European intermediaries (e.g. admiral), are not connected with the spread<br />

of Islam. The vocabulary of Arabic origin that entered the Balkan languages via<br />

Turkish, however, was accompanied by the conversion of significant numbers of<br />

speakers of all the Balkan languages to Islam, and, moreover, the vocabulary was<br />

shared by their Christian neighbors (see especially Jašar-Nasteva 2001).<br />

Beg (1979: 109-141) includes a lexicon of over 1200 Arabic loanwords in<br />

Malay and gives some commentary on stylistic usage. Here I would argue that we<br />

need to make a clear distinction between what Kaptein (1995) calls Kitap-Malay,<br />

i.e. Malay used either as translation or commentary specifically related to Islamic<br />

themes, and Malay that is not so intended. Of greatest interest to us here are those<br />

Arabisms that can be said to relate to general culture or to Islamic culture without<br />

necessarily being limited to Islam. Thus, for example, the use of the expression insyaAllah<br />

in Malay and inshallah or ishala (‘if God wills [it]’) in the Balkans reflects<br />

a caution with respect to the future that, while associated with Islam, in the Balkans<br />

has been used by Christians and Muslims alike. 7 It is interesting to note that in the<br />

form of Russian that serves as the lingua franca in urban areas of the Republic of<br />

Daghestan, inshallah is an emblematic marker of local dialect. I have written elsewhere<br />

(Friedman 1998) about the cultural connections between the Balkans and<br />

Daghestan, itself a different margin of Islam, but this is an additional dimension<br />

for another time. From the various sources on Turkish vocabulary in the Balkan<br />

6 Turkish/Malay haber/kabar ‘news’, vakit/waktu ‘time’, saat ‘hour’, sabah/suboh ‘morning’, ilim/<br />

ilmu ‘science’, fikir/fikir~pikir ‘thought’, kitap/kitab ‘book’, hesap/hisap~b ‘account’, dükkân/dukan<br />

‘shop’, gayb/gaib~raib ‘secret’. All of these words can be found in the various dictionaries of<br />

Balkan Turkisms cited at the end of this article. Some are more widespread or current than others,<br />

but that is beyond the scope of this discussion.<br />

7 An important difference between the Southeast European and Southeast Asian usages, however,<br />

is that the Southeast Asian is more likely to be ironic, i.e. as a qualification on an unlikely event<br />

rather than a mere cautionary note of the type život i zdravje (life and [good] health) in Macedonian.<br />

The question of irony versus sincerity in Southeast Europe and Southeast Asia requires much more<br />

work. In many of the languages of Southeast Europe, the irony can be indicated by the choice<br />

of verb form via mechanisms not available to Southeast Asian languages, which, however, have<br />

lexico-gramamticalized indicators of status relations that go far beyond the T/V distinction of various<br />

European languages.<br />

57

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