19.02.2013 Aufrufe

Die militärischen Handlungsschemata der ... - Dr. Alois Mock

Die militärischen Handlungsschemata der ... - Dr. Alois Mock

Die militärischen Handlungsschemata der ... - Dr. Alois Mock

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Srebrenica and Zepa. But was is true is that the Serbian army in Eastern Bosnia was<br />

far stronger during their attacks in July and that both towns would have fallen also<br />

without the conflict between the Bosnian lea<strong>der</strong>s.“<br />

• How would you analyse the possibility of taking of Banja Luka in September<br />

- October 1995?<br />

„It is not correct that it was a political decision to not take Banja Luka. At that time the<br />

Bosnian Army was not strong enough to take Banja Luka by own strength. The<br />

taking of Banja Luka would have been possible just by massive support of the<br />

Croatian army and NATO-forces. The consequences would have been about 300<br />

000 refugees from that area fleeing eastwards toward Serbia. Then Serbia would<br />

have eventually intervened in the Bosnian war directly. Infact the taking of Banja<br />

Luka would have surely led to a uncontrolable escalation of the war. That was what<br />

the international community and the Croatian government knew. That’s why they did<br />

not want to take Banja Luka from the Bosnian Serbs.“<br />

• What were the reasons and aims of the military NATO-Engagement in<br />

August - September 1995?<br />

„The biggest effect the direct NATO-Engagement in August and September had on<br />

the Bosnian Serbs was psychological. ALL Serbs realised that NATO did not bluff<br />

anymore. Because of this the moral impact of the NATO-air raids was the biggest of<br />

all. The military impacts were not too big indeed but the NATO-attacks lifted the<br />

moral of the Bosnian troops strongly and eventually made the offensive of the<br />

government forces in October/September possible.<br />

The NATO-air raids were executed with clear political aims: To bring the landdistribution<br />

in Bosnia to the before fixed 51:49 percent-key. At that time the Serbs<br />

still held about 60 percent of the Bosnian soil. But they would not give up any part of<br />

the occupied territory voluntarily – so force had to be used. The Bosnian government<br />

had already accepted the 51:49 percent-key before the NATO-bombardings un<strong>der</strong><br />

the condition that all refugees were allowed to return to their home villages after<br />

peace is reached. In the Dayton-accord this has been internationally guaranteed.“<br />

• What were the direct effects of the Split-aggreement in July 1995?<br />

„I guess the Croatian government and army had already planned the offensive in the<br />

Krajina before the agreement of Split has been signed in July. Through the Splitagreement<br />

the interests of the Croats as well as the Bosnians and the interests of<br />

the international community were saved. The Croats wanted to get in the back of the<br />

Serbian lines and forces in the Croatian Krajina. The Bosnians wanted to get military<br />

support from the HV to lower the military pressure put on them by the Serbs. The<br />

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