Minority v subsytéme kultúry

their nationality. The question was closed, but some among the young Poles highlighted their Polish identification in a particularway: "I am a Pole!", "Only a Pole", "A Pole among Germans", "A Pole, because it’s Poland." This highlight of Polish identificationwas an opposition to the emerging German minority, which was becoming increasingly more evident at the end of real socialism.Autochthons declared German nationality more often. Due to the then existing tendency to a clear national division, thevast majority of respondents, even of autochthonous origin, were able to determine their national identification.In later studies of school children in 1995 and 2005, respondents were asked the question: "Define your nationality." Studentsthemselves had to write what nationality they belonged to. Thus, the changes that have occurred in the Opole region interms of nationality self-determination, which cannot be embraced in the rigid framework, were taken into consideration. Noguided national categorization was introduced, in order to capture the diversity of national self-identification. In individual studies,categorizations were arranged in a different way and therefore the conclusions of the study will be presented separately. In1995, respondents gave the following answers:Nationality Number %Poles 48 58,5Silesians (Polish oriented) 8 9,7Silesians 6 7,3Silesians (German oriented) 10 12,2Germans 6 7,3Others 2 2,5No answer 2 2,5Total 82 100Tab. 2 National identification of the respondents (1995). N=82. Source: Own research and calculations.Detailed analysis of the responses and the correlation of territorial origin indicate that people with an immigrant originclearly define themselves as Poles (one identified as a Frenchman). In the group of mixed origin, 17 students (80.9 %) considerthemselves to be Poles, and in individual cases, there are other declarations: Silesian Polish-oriented, Silesian German-orientedand cosmopolitan. It is worth mentioning here the declaration of a student who described himself as Cosmopolitan, as he hasa multicultural roots (Polish – Ukrainian – German).The most complicated situation was observed in the group of pupils with an autochthonous origin: 8 people identifiedthemselves as Poles (21.6 %), 6 as Polish-oriented Silesians (16.2 %), 6 as Silesians (16.2 %), 9 as German-oriented Silesians(24.3 %), 6 as Germans (16.2 %), and two were unable to determine their nationality.A slightly higher percentage of respondents inclined rather to the German option (40.5 %) than to the Polish one (37.8 %).Comparison of the results of two surveys (1988 and 1995) shows that over the seven years in the group of autochthons, therewas a sudden outflow of people declaring Polish nationality toward identification with German and regional (Silesia) nationality.So we had to deal with nation conversion on an individual and a group scale. The examples of such conversions were mentionedby A. Kłoskowska 255 . There are many examples which testify to the shift from Polish to German identification. In Głogówek wehad to deal with an intergenerational conversion. Before World War II, the districts of Wielkie Oracze and Winiary were consideredmainstays of Polish identification. In the 80s and 90s, autochthons in these districts identified with German nationality.255 KŁOSKOWSKA, A. Konwersja narodowa i narodowe kultury. Studium przypadku. „Kultura i Społeczeństwo” 1992 nr. 4. (0033-2437), KŁOSKOWSKA A. Kulturynarodowe u korzeni. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. 1996. (83-01-11997-7).130