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and 1970s. He conceived leisure as a restricted set<br />

of activities that required two social preconditions.<br />

The first precondition was that society had to be<br />

sufficiently advanced so that most social activities<br />

are personally selected by individuals, rather than<br />

imposed by tradition or ritual. The second was that<br />

the economic activities that provided livelihoods<br />

were essentially arbitrary or synthetic rather than<br />

natural. In other words, leisure was a function of an<br />

industrial or post-industrial society.<br />

Further, Dumazdier felt that leisure implied four<br />

personal conditions. First, leisure activities were<br />

free of commitments to work, school or religion.<br />

In other words, leisure was an expression of<br />

perceived freedom. Second, leisure was `disinterested'<br />

in the sense that activities were engaged in<br />

for intrinsic motivation, rather than material or<br />

social gain. Third, leisure is pleasurable, and<br />

fourth, leisure must fulfil the need for rest,<br />

entertainment and self-transcendence. Other<br />

authors advocated the `state of mind' interpretation<br />

of leisure �as opposed to a `free time' interpretation)<br />

even further. One of the best known and perhaps<br />

most extreme views is that of de Grazia, who<br />

wrote, `it [leisure] is an ideal, a state of being, a<br />

condition of man, which few desire and fewer<br />

achieve' �1962: 5).<br />

While both `leisure as free time' and `leisure as a<br />

state of being' conceptualisations have advantages,<br />

each also has limitations. The `free time' view must<br />

wrestle with operational questions about what<br />

constitutes free time. For example, is time spent<br />

in childcare or in religious observances `free time'?<br />

Further, this view largely ignores the social and<br />

psychological dimensions of leisure as a human<br />

experience. On the other hand, the `state of<br />

being' view presents leisure as a phenomenon that<br />

can be so difficult to operationalise with simple<br />

empirical tools that the concept has very limited<br />

utility in policy or management contexts. In<br />

recent decades, social and psychological researchers<br />

have refined a number of approaches in the<br />

empirical study of leisure. One of these is studying<br />

people from many walks of life through carefully<br />

structured interviews or time budget diaries, and<br />

determining the circumstances in which they feel at<br />

leisure. Laboratory studies have also been conducted<br />

in which the researcher attempts to induce<br />

feelings of leisure in the experimental subjects.<br />

leisure 355<br />

Modern scientific approaches to defining leisure<br />

can be classified according to two criteria �Mannell<br />

and Kleiber 1997). The first is the type of<br />

phenomenon taken as an indicator of the occurrence<br />

of leisure. Two types of phenomena are used:<br />

objective and subjective �Neulinger 1974; Lawton<br />

1993). Objective phenomena equate leisure with<br />

participation in certain types of activity such as<br />

doing a crossword puzzle. Leisure may also be<br />

defined in terms of the setting: tennis courts,<br />

beaches or theatres are likely to be correlated with<br />

feelings of leisure. The subjective approach interprets<br />

leisure as a mental state. This requires that<br />

researchers be able to measure satisfactions, meanings,<br />

moods and cognitions associated with leisure.<br />

While these can sometimes be inferred from the<br />

observation of behaviour, they are more likely to<br />

be recorded through interviews.<br />

Scholarly approaches to defining leisure may<br />

also be classified according to the vantage point<br />

adopted by the researcher. In other words,<br />

regardless of whether the researcher is using<br />

objective or subjective indicators, leisure may be<br />

defined in terms of what the researcher views it to<br />

be �an external vantage point) or that of the person<br />

being studied �an internal vantage point). External<br />

definitions are based on what people in a social<br />

group agree constitutes leisure. The researcher<br />

predetermines what is leisure for the people being<br />

studied based on knowledge of the group to which<br />

the people being studied belong.<br />

From an internal vantage point, the researcher<br />

defines leisure based on whether the behaviour,<br />

setting, or experience is described as leisure by the<br />

person being studied. In other words, the researcher<br />

allows the subject to determine whether a<br />

given activity, setting or experience is leisure. By<br />

using the subject's own definition, some researchers<br />

believe they can achieve a more accurate picture of<br />

what leisure is and what it means. Personal<br />

definitions are influenced by the values and beliefs<br />

of the group to which the individual belongs.<br />

Externally and internally based definitions of<br />

leisure can agree, but they are often at odds. These<br />

various approaches ± objective versus subjective<br />

criteria and external versus internal vantage points<br />

± all offer legitimate insights. Answering questions<br />

about leisure typically requires a combination of<br />

these approaches, and tourism connects and has

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