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two weeks of paid holiday. The 1938 Holiday With
Pay Act effectively recognised this process.
Elsewhere in Europe, paid vacation entitlement
was increasingly enforced by legislation
during the interwar period, spreading throughout
central and eastern Europe. In the midst of a
national strike, France introduced a compulsory
two-week paid holiday, the conge payeÂe, in 1936.
This movement was less pronounced in the
United States, where pressure for legal entitlement
to paid vacations did not develop on the
same scale as it had in Europe. Instead, length of
paid vacation was, and still often remains, a part
of individual or collective contracts. This reflects,
to some extent, the resistance in the United
States for the state to intervene in workplace
relationships. In general, the process of increasing
growth in paid variations is not inevitable. While
for many people in the world this provision
remains unattainable, changing work practices
and employment rights in the developed world
are slowing down expansion and, in some cases,
reversing the trend.
See also: social tourism
Further reading
Cameron, G.C. �1965) `The growth of holidays
with pay in Britain', in G.L. Reed and D.J.
Robertson �eds), Fringe Benefits, Labour Costs and
Social Security, London: Allen and Union. �A
standard, detailed source on the subject.)
Cross, G. �1990) A Social History of Leisure Since 1600,
State College, PA: Venture. �Discusses paid
variations in the United Kingdom, Europe and
North America.)
paradigm
JOHN TOWNER, UK
Paradigms are fundamentally the worldviews
�value windows) through which things are seen,
and known. Since 1970, some huge shifts have
occurred in the basic beliefs and assumptions that
are held about nature, reality and humanity,
particularly regarding the conduct of social
science. The conventional paradigms of science
paradigm 425
have been challenged ontologically �the perceived
nature of reality), epistemologically �the relationship
between the knower and the known) and
methodologically �approved ways to carry out
investigations). The term `paradigm' itself is
commonly associated with the pioneering work
of Thomas Kuhn �1970), despite the fact that he
supposedly used it in a score of different ways
himself. Indeed, the paradigm concept can mean
many things to many people.
In 1989 an important Alternative Paradigms
Conference was held in San Francisco to clarify the
parameters of what some believe are the three
leading paradigms that have succeeded positivism
in social science: postpositivism �objectivist, but
critico-realist, lenses on the world), critical theory
�dialogic and transformative outlooks that seek to
eliminate false consciousness of some particular
kind or kinds) and constructivism �relativist views
that identify multiple but contextual truths in and
of the world). The debates about the ethics, the
goodness criteria and the values involved as
knowledge accumulates under each of these
paradigms have been comprehensively reproduced
in Guba �1994). Some social scientists consider that
the focus of the 1989 gathering was reductionist in
celebrating just three so-called `master' paradigms,
and claim genres like structuralism and neo-
Marxism are also worthy of the term `paradigm',
while still others would apply the concept even
more flaccidly for an infinity of interpretative
positions variously grounded in race, class,
gender and the like.
In 1996, the International Sociological
Association's Research Committee on Sociology
of Tourism held an important paradigmatologie
in Finland to explore the manner in
which competing worldviews empower and/or
delimit understanding in tourism. The ISA text
that emanated from that symposium �Hollinshead
and Graburn, forthcoming) should prove to
be a highly valuable examination of both the
manner in which different paradigms exercise
hegemony over the industry and the fashions
in which different paradigms are respectively
influential in interpreting heritage, culture and
nature, as they interface with the tourism
phenomenon.