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526 semiotics<br />

The complexity of communications involving more<br />

than one kind of mind is the domain of contemporary<br />

semiotic study. Thus, semiotics is well<br />

adapted for the study of communication and<br />

behaviour in tourism settings, where assumptions<br />

of shared values, beliefs and language among hosts<br />

and guests may be untenable.<br />

Contributions to tourism research which have<br />

made intensive use of semiotic methods include<br />

Dean MacCannell's chapter on `The Semiotics of<br />

Attraction' �1989), Bennetta Jules-Rosette's book<br />

�1984), and several of the papers collected in the<br />

special issue of the Annals of Tourism Research on `The<br />

semiotics of tourism' �1989). Several of the papers<br />

in the special issue of the Annals describe interactions<br />

between Third World hosts and tourist guests<br />

from Europe and North America. When these<br />

tourist±host interactions are subject to close<br />

semiotic description, it is evident that the tourists<br />

and their hosts do not meet as representatives of<br />

`modernity' and `tradition', respectively. Semiotic<br />

analysis of the interactions reveals that the interactions<br />

between Third World tourists and their<br />

hosts are framed `as if ' the tourists are modernised<br />

and the hosts are traditional or even `primitive,' but<br />

this is mainly a superficial agreement or `definition<br />

of the situation'. Closer examination dispels all<br />

stereotypes. In several studies, `primitive' and<br />

`peasant' people are revealed to be motivated<br />

mainly by economic rationality, while the tourist<br />

participants in the same exchanges appear to<br />

inhabit a world shaped mainly by myth and<br />

superstition. Similarly, Jules-Rosette discovered<br />

Africans who carve `traditional figures' for the<br />

tourist trade spend their spare time carving replicas<br />

of such things as telephones and Western style<br />

men's suits for their own amusement. MacCannell<br />

argued that the global system of attractions, the Taj<br />

Mahal, Mount Kilimanjaro, the Egyptian Sphinx,<br />

the Eiffel Tower, the Pyramid of the Sun and so on,<br />

constitutes a special class of signs intended to<br />

communicate across every cultural and historic<br />

boundary.<br />

The American pragmatist philosopher, Charles<br />

Sanders Peirce, determined there are three classes<br />

of signs. Each class is based on differences in the<br />

relationship between the signifier and the signified,<br />

and each is relevant to the study of tourism<br />

attractions and communication involving tourists.<br />

First, iconic signs depend on a bond of resemblance<br />

between the signifier and the signified. For<br />

example, a photograph of a famous sight is iconic<br />

to the extent that the sight can be recognised in the<br />

photo. Much tourism imagery found in brochures<br />

and guidebooks is of the iconic type. The<br />

saturation of the media with iconic images is<br />

necessary to the motivation to travel to specific<br />

destinations. Tourists exchange iconic signs for a<br />

view of the `real thing'. Second, indexical signs or<br />

indices are produced by the direct action of that<br />

which they represent. For examples, Friday's<br />

footprint in the sand was Robinson's first sign that<br />

he shared the island with another human being.<br />

The presence of crowds of tourists is indexical of<br />

the popularity of a given attraction or destination.<br />

Third, symbolic signs or symbols are<br />

arbitrary and conventional, and they require<br />

community consensus on proper meanings. The<br />

large statue of a woman standing in New York<br />

harbour is, by convention, a symbol of Liberty. It is<br />

an example of a symbol which has attained crosscultural<br />

significance.<br />

Any object or idea can be represented by each of<br />

the three types of sign. For example, `liberty' can be<br />

signified indexically by the broken bars of a cage,<br />

or iconically by someone dancing naked on a<br />

tropical beach. A problem with using semiotic<br />

analysis for the study of tourism is that it tends to<br />

produce ontological insecurity. Within semiotics,<br />

everything is either a signifier or a signified. There<br />

is no realm of `reality' which is separate from and<br />

merely modelled by signs. Everything is signs or<br />

parts of signs and everything stands for something<br />

else. Nothing can simply stand for itself, not even<br />

so-called `natural' things. Flowers signify passion,<br />

rocks durability, and so on. Thus, living in a world<br />

of signs imposes upon the human subject a<br />

condition of being forever in flux, involved in<br />

exchanges and transformations.<br />

The restless, incessant searching of tourists<br />

worldwide can be read as a symptomatic exposure<br />

of the semiotic basis of human existence after the<br />

erosion of older fictional grounding of the human<br />

subject �gender, ethnicity, geographical roots, work<br />

or profession and so on). Further, there is very good<br />

reason to believe that once `the tourist' becomes a<br />

kind of universal identity, it will not be possible to<br />

return to older more grounded, specific versions of

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