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An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax

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There is no trace of the etymological sense, 4 however, and the construct state is useful<br />

only in explaining the phonetic shape of the word. Broadly speaking, רשׁא is rare in<br />

poetry, rarer in older poetry than later, 5 and the uses of רשׁא are more diverse in later<br />

prose than in earlier.<br />

c The relative שׁ is pointed in various ways: usually ַשׁ or ֶשׁ with doubling of the<br />

following consonant; ָשׁ or ֶשׁ, if doubling is not allowed (or before ō or ā), except for<br />

ְשׁ before ה. This pronoun presents a curious his<strong>to</strong>ry: it is attested in the older layer of<br />

<strong>Biblical</strong> <strong>Hebrew</strong> (e.g., Judg 5:7) and in the later books, but rarely in between. 6 Since<br />

most Semitic languages use an š form for the relative, including Phoenician and<br />

Ammonite, and since שׁ is standard in Mishnaic <strong>Hebrew</strong>, we may suppose that the<br />

dominant dialect of <strong>Biblical</strong> <strong>Hebrew</strong> was distinctive among <strong>Hebrew</strong> and South<br />

Canaanite dialects in using רשׁא in preference <strong>to</strong> שׁ. 7<br />

d The relative markers of the z series include the demonstrative הז, ֶ as well as the rare<br />

forms וּז and וֹז (הֹז). 8 The diversity of this group of forms is discussed in connection<br />

with the demonstratives (17.4.3). The relative use of these forms is primarily poetic.<br />

The syntactic patterns of relative clause with רשׁא and z forms are similar. 9<br />

1a.<br />

1b.<br />

וּנ ָמ ֫ ט ָ וּז־ת ֶשׁ ר֫ ֶ ְבּ in the net which they have hidden<br />

ן ַמ ט־ר ָ ֶשׁ א ֲ וֹתּ ְשׁ רִ ְ<br />

Ps 9:16<br />

ו his net which he hid<br />

Ps 35:8<br />

15), and many other Semitic languages use š forms for the relative. See F. Rundgren,<br />

Über Bildungen mit (š)- und n-t-Demonstrativen im Semitischen (Uppsala: Almqvist<br />

& Wiksell, 1955).<br />

3<br />

Cf.BL§32a/p.264.<br />

4<br />

Save perhaps in Judg 5:27; Ruth 1:17 is dubious.<br />

5<br />

Francis I. <strong>An</strong>dersen and A. Dean Forbes, “ ‘Prose Particle’ Counts of the <strong>Hebrew</strong><br />

Bible,” The Word of the Lord Shall Go Forth: Essays in Honor of David Noel<br />

Freedman, ed. C. L. Meyers and M. O’Connor (Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns,<br />

1983) 165–83.<br />

6<br />

All instances of the relative in Canticles, except one (in the title of the book), involve<br />

š. In Qoheleth, š is used 68 times (often as a conjunction) and ˒šr 89 times. Š is not,<br />

however, frequent in Ezra (only once) or Chronicles (only twice). See Joüon §38 / p.<br />

89–90.<br />

7<br />

M. H. Segal, A Grammar of Mishnaic <strong>Hebrew</strong> (Oxford: Clarendon, 1927) 42–43.<br />

8<br />

It is strictly correct <strong>to</strong> say that zû is primarily a relative and zeh is primarily a<br />

demonstrative, but the one is so rare and the other so relatively common that such a<br />

flat statement is potentially misleading.<br />

9<br />

Cf. J. M. Allegro, “Uses of the Semitic Demonstrative Element z in <strong>Hebrew</strong>,” Vetus<br />

Testamentum 5 (1955) 309–12, at 311. On the possibility that zeh and zû may be<br />

confused in the MT, see p. 309.

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