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An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax

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ise of modern linguistic thinking, the verbal system of <strong>Hebrew</strong> was measured against<br />

European languages, and it was the discrepancies that seemed <strong>to</strong> require explanation.<br />

A special form of this view is based on the concerns of translation, but no absolutely<br />

consistent equivalence system exists for rendering the <strong>Hebrew</strong> verbs in<strong>to</strong> another<br />

language. 10 Modern scholars seek <strong>to</strong> explain <strong>Hebrew</strong> as much as possible on its own<br />

terms.<br />

g Every phase of the modern study of comparative Semitics has stimulated new<br />

theories of the <strong>Biblical</strong> <strong>Hebrew</strong> verb, although some of these theories have been<br />

unacceptable as ideas about one language. As we shall see, comparative Semitic<br />

information can be used both <strong>to</strong> clarify and <strong>to</strong> create a major muddle in <strong>Hebrew</strong><br />

grammar. It is impossible <strong>to</strong> explain <strong>Hebrew</strong> by alleging that it is a mongrel or<br />

monster among its Semitic cousins, for, although <strong>Hebrew</strong> is different from them, it is<br />

not different in kind. 11<br />

h Two differences about <strong>Hebrew</strong> are relevant. The first involves what is in the Bible:<br />

because there are certain types of writing in <strong>Biblical</strong> <strong>Hebrew</strong> which are not well<br />

represented in extrabiblical Semitic, especially Northwest Semitic, texts, we must be<br />

careful about comparisons. The preponderance of continuous narrative prose in the<br />

Bible is unparalleled in the ancient Near East; even the Akkadian annals of the Neo-<br />

Assyrian kings present major differences. As we shall see, there are distinctive<br />

features of narrative[Page 458] prose as well as of prophetic speech, and these “genre<br />

effects” need <strong>to</strong> be borne in mind in evaluating the verb system. 12 A second difference<br />

involves the way in which <strong>Hebrew</strong> is preserved. <strong>An</strong>y notion of major dis<strong>to</strong>rtion in the<br />

MT can play no serious role in explaining the verbs. 13 This should be clear from the<br />

separation of לטקיּו ַ and לטקיו ְ forms, cited earlier, and from the variation in<br />

accentuation of the weəqatal combination in certain persons (e.g., תָּ רְ מ֑ ָ֫<br />

אָ ו, ְ Isa 14:4,<br />

but תָּ ֫ רְ ַמ אָ ו, ְ Ezek 29:3; cf. יתִּ רְ ַמ ֫ אָ ו, ְ Deut 32:40). 14<br />

i The chief, indeed only, idea behind the earliest views on the <strong>Hebrew</strong> verb was tense<br />

(29.2); the nineteenth century added the idea (though not the vocabulary) of aspect<br />

(29.3). The decipherment of cuneiform and the recovery of other ancient Semitic<br />

10 See McFall, <strong>Hebrew</strong> Verbal System, 17–21, 53.<br />

11 See 29.4 on Hans Bauer and G. R. Driver.<br />

12 On genre effects, see, e.g., McFall, <strong>Hebrew</strong> Verbal System, 58, 72, 82–83, 125, 185,<br />

193, 201. On the peculiarities of narrative in general, see Bernard Comrie, Tense<br />

(Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1985) 61–62, 67, 104. Note that the opposition of<br />

discursive and narrative use found in W. Schneider is not generic—the two patterns<br />

are intertwined in various genres (cf. Gell’s views); see E. Talstra, “Text Grammar<br />

and <strong>Hebrew</strong> Bible. I. Elements of a Theory,” Bibliotheca Orientalis 35 (1978) 169–<br />

74. For a further reference <strong>to</strong> Schneider’s work, see n. 91.<br />

MT Masoretic Text<br />

13 See 1.6 and McFall, <strong>Hebrew</strong> Verbal System, 125–26.<br />

14 Cf. McFall, <strong>Hebrew</strong> Verbal System, 145–46, 189–210.

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