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An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax

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d Two negative points about perfectivity are important. First, perfectivity does not<br />

pertain <strong>to</strong> the duration of the situation. The situation represented by the perfective<br />

form may last a moment or years. This can be made clear by showing both the<br />

perfective and non-perfective conjugations being employed in reference <strong>to</strong> the same<br />

extended duration.<br />

1. וּל ְכא ֽ ָ לאֵ רָ ְשִׂי ינֵ ְבוּ<br />

םי ִע ָבּר ְא<br />

ַ ן ָמּ ה־ת ַ אֶ<br />

ה ָנ ָשׁ<br />

2. טוּקא ָ ה ָנ ָשׁ םי ִע ָבּר ְאַ<br />

רוֹדבּ ְ<br />

The Israelites ate (pfv.) manna for forty years.<br />

Exod 16:35<br />

For forty years I loathed (non-pfv.; or, was loathing)<br />

(that) generation.<br />

Ps 95:10<br />

When the perfective form gathers <strong>to</strong>gether an extended internal situation, we refer<br />

<strong>to</strong> it as a constative perfect. 3 Second, the perfective does not emphasize the<br />

completedness of a situation. Earlier researchers commonly erred in characterizing the<br />

suffix conjugation as indicating completed action, instead of indicating a complete<br />

situation. Expressed in that erroneous way, the theory that the suffix conjugation<br />

indicates perfective aspect is open <strong>to</strong> objection. In # 3 the suffix form does not<br />

represent a completed action.<br />

3. הרֵ ְשׂ ֶע־םיתֵּ<br />

ְשׁ ת ַנ ְשׁ ִבּ In the twelfth year of Joram…Ahaziah became king.<br />

ךְ ַל ָמ . . . םרוֹי ָ ְל ה ָנ ָשׁ<br />

וּהָי֫ זְ חַ אֲ<br />

2 Kgs 8:25<br />

[Page 481]<br />

We discuss such examples as this one below. The faulty completedness definition<br />

alsc necessitated inventing an abnormal prophetic psychology <strong>to</strong> explain the prophets’<br />

use of the suffix conjugation for future events. Perfective aspect may occur in<br />

reference <strong>to</strong> any time period. 4<br />

30.2 Varieties of Perfective Aspect<br />

a A number of fac<strong>to</strong>rs, such as the inherent meaning of the verb, adverbial and<br />

adjectival modification, and the stative or fientive character of a verb, modify the<br />

Studies 46 (1987) 215–32; and G. Buccellati, “The State of the ‘Stative,’ ” Fucus: A<br />

Semitic/Afrasian Gathering in Remembrance of Albert Ehrman, ed. Y. L. Arbeitman<br />

(Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1988) 153–89. On the Amarna evidence for the use of<br />

the ENWS suffix form, see (in addition <strong>to</strong> the references at 29.4j n. 71), W. L. Moran,<br />

“The Death of ˓Abdi-Aširta,” Eretz-Israel 9 (1969) 94–99.<br />

3 GB 2. 25 (§16b).<br />

4 As patterns of verb usage in the Slavonic (or Slavic) languages show; note that “in<br />

the East and West Slavonic languages (including Russian, Polish, Czech, but not<br />

Bulgarian or Serbo-Croatian), and also in Georgian…the Perfective non-Past is<br />

primarily a future tense”; Comrie, Aspect, 66–67.

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