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An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax

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meaning of the suffix conjugation in this construction. Diethelm Michel, Bo Johnson,<br />

and others think that it retains the same significance as in its unbound form, 11 while<br />

S.R. Driver, Paul Joüon, Gotthelf Bergsträsser, Thomas O. Lambdin, Ernst Jenni, and<br />

others think its value comes under the sway of the preceding verb <strong>to</strong> which it is<br />

appended. 12 The second view reflects a modern understanding of the medieval notion<br />

that prefixed waw “converts” the conjugations.<br />

b A. O. Schulz laid the foundation for the view that relative waw does not alter the<br />

function of the conjugations. 13 Johnson has recently restated it.<br />

In narrative the pure perfect is used in most instances as a “Tempus of the past.” A perfect<br />

with a prefixed wə- is not used in these instances, since wa + imperfect already dominated in<br />

this sphere. Bobzin here draws the conclusion that w e + perfect seen diachronically, cannot be<br />

derived from the meaning of the perfect but is rather <strong>to</strong>tally dependent on its position in the<br />

system. But are these two alternatives incompatible? The pure perfect has a greater sphere<br />

than the wə + perfect. The wə + perfect is confined <strong>to</strong> the areas where wa + imperfect could<br />

not be used, for example, with ‘and’ and events which stand in a final or consecutive relation<br />

<strong>to</strong> the preceding. That does not mean, however, that the perfect here would have assumed a<br />

new final or consecutive meaning—this meaning lies in the whole construction with ‘and’ +<br />

the perfect and at the same time naturally also in the fact that wa + imperfect exists in the<br />

system. Both the wə + perfect and the perfect have the character of completed, concluded<br />

action, an action which is seen from without as something whole. At first glance that does not<br />

comport well with the final or consecutive function of the perfect, where a wə + perfect<br />

emphasizes the non-independence of the action and its dependence on the preceding. But<br />

even here the character of the perfect comes <strong>to</strong> the surface: the final or consecutive action in<br />

question is seen from without as a whole. The whole event is already there at one moment.<br />

With ‘and’ + perfect the following happening is seen as[Page 524] a finished, complete<br />

whole. One does not enter in<strong>to</strong> the following action in order <strong>to</strong> picture the initiative or<br />

intention of the acting subject, but one sees the happening as a finished moment, which is<br />

pointed out from without in its connections. 14<br />

c Driver expressed the second view, which is closer <strong>to</strong> the traditional view.<br />

11 D. Michel, Tempora und Satzstellung in den Psalmen (Bonn: Bouvier, 1960);<br />

Johnson, Hebräisches Perfekt und Imperfekt. Scholars occasionally try <strong>to</strong> use the<br />

problematic status of w e qtl forms as an entry in<strong>to</strong> other, not strictly related spheres of<br />

research; see, e.g., R. Bartelmus, “Ez 37, 1–14, die Verbform w e qatal und die<br />

<strong>An</strong>fänge der Auferstehungshoffnung,” Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche<br />

Wissenschaft 97 (1985) 366–89.<br />

Joüon Paul Joüon. 1923. Grammaire de l’hébreu biblique.<br />

12 Driver, Tenses in <strong>Hebrew</strong>, 116–18; Joüon §115 / pp. 312–14; GB 2.39–45 (§9); T.<br />

O. Lambdin, <strong>Introduction</strong> <strong>to</strong> <strong>Biblical</strong> <strong>Hebrew</strong> (New York: Scribner, 1971) 108–9;<br />

LHS 96–98, 264.<br />

13 A. O. Schulz, Über das Imperfekt und Perfekt mit וּ ( ְ<br />

ו) im Hebräischen (Königsberg<br />

Inaugural Dissertation, 1900).<br />

14 Johnson, Hebräisches Perfekt und Imperfekt, 32.

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