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An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax

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h On balance the comparative-his<strong>to</strong>rical evidence seems <strong>to</strong> demand some respect, and<br />

we believe that vestiges of his<strong>to</strong>rical yaqtul survive in the prefix conjugation beyond<br />

the jussive. In prose the waw-relative is normally bound with the offspring of preterite<br />

yaqtul, a form not consistently differentiated from the descendants of yaqtulu. The<br />

basically similar situation in poetry is complicated by stylistic and idiosyncratic usage<br />

as well as by variation. Poetry, especially early poetry, occasionally preserves a yaqtul<br />

preterite in unbound form, as an archaic or archaizing usage (1.4.1).<br />

[Page 502] 31.1.2 A Working View<br />

a In Chapter 29 we noted that most grammarians have erred in trying <strong>to</strong> abstract one<br />

meaning from the several uses of the prefix conjugation, and we suggested that the<br />

only possible generalization had <strong>to</strong> be expressed negatively: the non-perfective<br />

conjugation stands over against the perfective conjugation. The non-perfective prefix<br />

conjugation has two major values: <strong>to</strong> signify either an imperfective situation in past<br />

and present time, or a dependent situation. In the latter use, the situation may be<br />

dependent on the speaker, the subject, or another situation.<br />

b We analyze the use of the prefix conjugation first according <strong>to</strong> time: past time (31.2)<br />

and present time (31.3). We group its uses <strong>to</strong> represent dependent situations in<strong>to</strong> those<br />

involving the speaker or the subject, and those dependent on another situation. We<br />

divide the first group in<strong>to</strong> those situations where speakers do not impose their will on<br />

the subject (the modal uses, 31.4) and those in which they do (the volitional uses,<br />

31.5). Finally, we discuss other contingent uses, including its use in the less frequent<br />

past-time frame with certain particles (31.6), and some morphological relics (31.7).<br />

31.2 Non-Perfective and Past Time<br />

a A clear demonstration of non-perfective and past-time relations is provided by an<br />

Arabic example.<br />

wā ttaba˓ū (pfv.,tb˓) mā tatlū (impfv., tly) š-šayāṭīnu ˓alā mulki sulaymān 17<br />

<strong>An</strong>d they followed that which the demons used <strong>to</strong> recite (or, follow) in Solomon’s reign.<br />

The time reference of the prefix conjugation tatlū ‘they used <strong>to</strong> recite’ is past and<br />

absolute because it occurred in a time prior <strong>to</strong> the event of speaking; the aspect is<br />

imperfective, more specifically cus<strong>to</strong>mary (iterative), because explicit reference is<br />

made <strong>to</strong> the internal temporal structure of the situation, viewing the situation from<br />

within, in contrast <strong>to</strong> ˒ittaba˓u ‘they followed,’ whereby explicit reference is made <strong>to</strong><br />

pfv. perfective<br />

impfv. imperfective<br />

17 The first verb is an VIIIth Form (˒iqtatala), with the initial ˒i- elided after the<br />

conjunction wa. The sentence is discussed by W. Wright, A Grammar of the Arabic<br />

Language (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1898), 2. 21; and by B. Comrie, Aspect<br />

(Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1976) 80 (where the transliteration of the first<br />

verb should be corrected). The sense of the sentence can be paraphrased in <strong>Hebrew</strong>:<br />

˒et-˒ăšer yedabberû haggillûlîm bimlōk šelōmōh (cf. ˒et kol-˒s̆šer ta˓ăśûn, Deut 29:8;<br />

cf. Exod 4:15).

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