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An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax

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monuments contributed funds of new data (29.4). The integration of this material is<br />

only part of the ongoing efforts at comprehension (29.5–6).<br />

29.2 Theories Based on Tense<br />

a Time reference may be indicated in language in various ways. It may be lexicalized,<br />

that is, expressed with individual words (such as the English adverbs ‘now, soon,<br />

formerly’), or it may be grammaticalized, that is, expressed morphologically as part<br />

of or in conjunction with verb forms. Grammaticalized time reference is called<br />

tense. 15 English uses the category of tense, distinguishing present tense ‘I run’ from<br />

past tense ‘I ran.’ <strong>Biblical</strong> <strong>Hebrew</strong> has no such simple tense forms, 16 but because<br />

Mishnaic <strong>Hebrew</strong> 17 and most European languages do, for at least eight centuries, from<br />

ca. 1000 C.E. on, the medieval Jewish grammarians and Christian scholars of the<br />

<strong>Hebrew</strong> Scriptures thought that qtl, qôtēl, yqtl signified past, present, and future times<br />

respectively. 18 Such a system is basically that of Mishnaic (and later) <strong>Hebrew</strong>, which<br />

is thus a tense language. This view can hardly accommodate the facts of <strong>Biblical</strong><br />

<strong>Hebrew</strong>, and a stratagem was needed <strong>to</strong> explain the “past” reference of wayyqtl and<br />

the “present/future” reference of weəqtl.<br />

b The earliest Jewish grammarians (2.2) thought that the conjugations signified tense<br />

and that a prefixed waw could “convert” the signification <strong>to</strong> its opposite. Japeth ha-<br />

Levi,[Page 459] the tenth-century Qaraite grammarian of Jerusalem, calls the waw<br />

with the suffix conjugation waw ˓atīdī, ‘waw of the future.’ David Qimḥi (1160–<br />

1235), in his Mikhlol, “the Geseniust grammar of his age,” like his predecessors<br />

thought in terms of tenses. He calls the waw that “substitutes” the past for the future<br />

and vice versa the waw haššārût ‘waw of service.’ 19 Elijah Levita (1468–1549) may<br />

have coined the term that became standard for this “type” of waw, waw hippûk, ‘waw-<br />

15 Comrie, Tense, 1, 9–13.<br />

16 This does not mean, as we shall see, that the verbs do not convey information about<br />

time or that the <strong>Hebrew</strong>s had no concept of time; contrast the passage from Herder<br />

cited in 29.3b and Comrie, Tense, 3–4.<br />

17 On the virtual loss of the special waw combinations, as well as the cohortative and<br />

jussive forms, see M. H. Segal, A Grammar of Mishnaic <strong>Hebrew</strong> (Oxford: Clarendon,<br />

1927) 72–73; on Mishnaic <strong>Hebrew</strong> as a tense language, see pp. 150, 155–56. The<br />

situation in Qumranic <strong>Hebrew</strong> is not clear; see, e.g., E. Qimron, The <strong>Hebrew</strong> of the<br />

Dead Sea Scrolls (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986) 45–46, but the participle is shifting<br />

<strong>to</strong>ward more strictly verbal use (p. 70). Note also the discussion of Qumranic <strong>Hebrew</strong><br />

in Beat Zuber, Das Tempussystem des biblischen Hebräisch (Beiheft zur Zeitschrift<br />

für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 164; Berlin: de Gruyter, 1986) 147–52. The<br />

waw combinations are found in <strong>Biblical</strong> Aramaic (Zuber, Tempussystem, 69–71), in a<br />

few cases in Moabite, and perhaps in Phoenician-Punic.<br />

18 McFall, <strong>Hebrew</strong> Verbal System, 2–20. No grammatical analysis of the Classical<br />

<strong>Hebrew</strong> verbal system has a native-speaker basis; cf. McFall, p. 16.<br />

19 William Chomsky, David Ḳimḥi‘s <strong>Hebrew</strong> Grammar (Mikhlol) (New York: Bloch,<br />

1952) 62, 78. Chomsky’s modernization of grammatical terminology means his<br />

translation must be used with caution.

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