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An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax

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h Given that the factitive is associated with adjectival state, the comparative use is not<br />

surprising. 27 The examples given above of ṣdq are all comparative, the object of<br />

comparison governed by mn (## 9a-b) or unexpressed (# 9c). Such comparative use is<br />

found in simple estimative examples.<br />

10. ינִּ ֶמּ ֫ ִמ ךָינֶ֫ ָבּ־תא ֶ ר ֵבּ ַכתְּ וַ<br />

You have honored your sons more than me.<br />

1 Sam 2:29<br />

The comparative may involve a “real” factitive.<br />

11. וֹאסְ ִכּ־תא ֶ לדֵּ גי ַ וִ<br />

ךְ ֶל ֶמּ ֫ ה ַ ינֹד ִ א ֲ אסֵּ כִּ ִמ<br />

׃דוִ דָּ<br />

12. ט ַע ְמּ וּהר֫ ֵסְּ<br />

חַ תְּ וַ<br />

םיהלֹ ֑ ִ אֱ ֵמ<br />

<strong>An</strong>d may he make his throne greater than the throne of<br />

my master, King David.<br />

1 Kgs 1:37<br />

You have made it (humanity) lack [only] a little of<br />

divine beings.<br />

Ps 8:6<br />

24.3 Resultative<br />

a The majority of the Piel verbs present a resultative profile, or more strictly (Qal<br />

transitive) :: Piel resultative :: (Hiphil causative). According <strong>to</strong> Jenni, about 180 verbs<br />

are attested in Qal : Piel (:: Hiphil), and 135 in Piel (:: Hiphil). 28 Jenni’s category of<br />

Qal transitives is largely made up of fientives, and in fact it could better be so called,<br />

because Jenni extends the class of transitives <strong>to</strong> include verbs which “notionally” take<br />

an[Page 405] “imagined” object, for example, hlk ‘<strong>to</strong> go, i.e., make a trip’ and ṣ˓q ‘<strong>to</strong><br />

cry, i.e., utter a cry.’ this device seems <strong>to</strong> beg the issue. The approximately forty Qal<br />

intransitive fientive verbs are best treated separately (24.5).<br />

b The Piel stems of Qal transitive verbs signal the bringing about of a state<br />

corresponding <strong>to</strong> the verbal meaning of the Qal stem, a state that can be described in<br />

terms of an adjectival construction. In most instances this involves transforming the<br />

verb in<strong>to</strong> a form that corresponds <strong>to</strong> the English past participle, for example, רבשׁ<br />

Qal ‘<strong>to</strong> break’ becomes Piel ‘<strong>to</strong> make broken’ and הרז Qal ‘<strong>to</strong> scatter’ becomes Piel<br />

‘<strong>to</strong> make scattered.’ Jenni calls this use of the Piel resultative. Ryder prefers the term<br />

“transformative” for the Piel of both stative and transitive verbs.<br />

c The distinction between Qal and Piel for transitive fientive verbs can scarcely be<br />

recognized in English; the “meaning” ‘<strong>to</strong> make broker’ is a “longwinded<br />

circumlocution” for the more simple ‘<strong>to</strong> break.’ this similarity is reflected in some<br />

27<br />

Jenni, Pi˓el, 72–74.<br />

28<br />

Jenni, Pi˓el, 123–26. Ryder’s somewhat different classification, allowing for<br />

comparative, evidence (D-Stem, 108–18), yields diflerent counts. Some Piel verbs<br />

without Qal correspondents do find simple-stem cognates in Arabic, e.g., ˒zn Piel ‘<strong>to</strong><br />

weigh’ (Qoh 12:9), cf. Arabic wazana ‘<strong>to</strong> weigh’; and gšš Pieli<strong>to</strong> <strong>to</strong>uch’ (Isa 59:10),<br />

cf. Arabic jassa ‘<strong>to</strong> handle.’ Cf. Ryder, D-Stem, 108, 110.

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