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An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax

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that embody textual relations, analyzing them in<strong>to</strong> three different groups: (1)<br />

forms that refer <strong>to</strong> other words (e.g., pronominal suffixes), (2) forms that refer <strong>to</strong> a<br />

relationship between clauses (conjunctions), and (3) forms that refer <strong>to</strong> relations<br />

between segments of text (he calls these macro-syntactic signs; e.g., discourseinitial<br />

יהְי ִ ו). ַ 24 As E. Talstra notes, Schneider’s [Page 55] observations are not in<br />

themselves new; what is new is the way the phenomena are organized, according<br />

<strong>to</strong> function in the text. Schneider distinguishes anaphoric signs (those that refer<br />

backwards, e.g., most personal pronouns in <strong>Hebrew</strong>), cataphoric signs (those that<br />

refer forwards, e.g., interrogative pronouns), and deictic signs (those that refer <strong>to</strong><br />

the situation of communication, pointing outside the discourse, e.g., demonstrative<br />

pronouns). All these signs are treated in the present grammar in a more traditional<br />

framework; it is the merit of Schneider’s work <strong>to</strong> bring them <strong>to</strong>gether in their<br />

common pointing function and distinguish among them on the basis of orientation<br />

(pointing back, pointing forward, pointing out), in ways not possible in traditional<br />

grammar.<br />

e We have resisted the strong claims of discourse grammarians in part for the<br />

theoretical and practical reasons mentioned earlier: most syntax can be and has<br />

been described on the basis of the phrase, clause, and sentence. Further, it is<br />

evident that the grammatical analysis of <strong>Hebrew</strong> discourse is in its infancy. As an<br />

infant, it offers little help for the many problems of grammar which have not been<br />

well unders<strong>to</strong>od. Most transla<strong>to</strong>rs, we think it fair <strong>to</strong> say, fly by the seat of their<br />

pants in interpreting the <strong>Hebrew</strong> conjugations. <strong>Hebrew</strong> grammarians have only<br />

recently come <strong>to</strong> appreciate morphemes as diverse as the “object marker” תא and<br />

the enclitic mem. No modern grammar, further, has begun <strong>to</strong> gather <strong>to</strong>gether the<br />

wealth of individual studies that have been carried out in a more traditional<br />

framework; thus it is not surprising that some students know little about the case<br />

functions and some commenta<strong>to</strong>rs make egregious errors in their interpretations of<br />

prepositions. For our purposes, therefore, we are content <strong>to</strong> stay with more<br />

traditional bases than those of discourse grammar.<br />

3.3.5 <strong>An</strong>alytical Approaches<br />

problem, as Hospers notes, involves the difficulty of <strong>Hebrew</strong>. Henri Fleisch has said<br />

that <strong>Hebrew</strong> is not a difficult language but one where one finds some difficulties;<br />

<strong>Introduction</strong> à l’étude des langues sémitiques (Paris: Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1947) 55.<br />

James Barr has also said that it is not an extremely difficult language; “The <strong>An</strong>cient<br />

Semitic Languages—The Conflict between Philology and Linguistics,” Transactions<br />

of the Philological Society 1968: 37–55, at 52.<br />

24<br />

For another treatment of macro-syntactic signs, see Richter, GAHG 3. 205–6; they<br />

are there called text-deictics (e.g., ˓attâ, wayhî, wəhāyâ).

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