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The Universal Language of Freemasonry - ArchiMeD - Johannes ...

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Chapter 2 – Historical Background 45<br />

on different conceptions are lawful or not. As Henderson and Pope put it,<br />

Masonic Grand Lodges can be divided into two categories. <strong>The</strong> first category<br />

includes Grand Lodges that require the belief in a Supreme Being, and do not<br />

permit discussions <strong>of</strong> politics or religion in lodge. <strong>The</strong> second category consists<br />

<strong>of</strong> Grand Lodges that vary <strong>of</strong> such requirements. As an example, the French<br />

Grand Orient would constitute a Grand Lodge <strong>of</strong> the second category, since it<br />

does not demand <strong>of</strong> its members the belief in a Supreme Being. Grand Lodges <strong>of</strong><br />

the first category are called "regular," and those <strong>of</strong> the second category<br />

"irregular" (although they define themselves as regular, liberal, a-dogmatic,<br />

while they reproach the first category lodges to be conservative and dogmatic 88 ).<br />

Grand Lodges <strong>of</strong> both categories claim more or less to adhere to a kind <strong>of</strong><br />

Masonic "law," i.e. to Anderson's Constitutions, which they interpret in a<br />

different way. With one <strong>of</strong> these constitutional requirements being that a Mason<br />

has to be a man, all auxiliary female or androgynous or children's orders are<br />

therefore <strong>of</strong> disputable "regularity." This will be evaluated in detail in the<br />

chapters dealing with the rituals <strong>of</strong> the corresponding orders.<br />

Yet another problem is that "mainstream" is not a chronologically fixed term<br />

but its definition changes with the time. Just like Prince Hall Masonry for<br />

colored people that gained recognition by several Grand Lodges at different<br />

times, there are some other Grand Lodges that are hopeful or likely to receive<br />

mainstream recognition in the future. <strong>The</strong> expression "recognition" is<br />

ambivalent. We can see this very well at the example <strong>of</strong> Prince Hall Masonry.<br />

During the long fight for "recognition" <strong>of</strong> the latter, this term has acquired<br />

different meanings:<br />

'Recognition' is a vague term, and over the years Masonic leaders have<br />

interpreted it flexibly. Depending upon the racial climate <strong>of</strong> the country<br />

they have given it different public meanings, emphases that would<br />

allow at least some hope <strong>of</strong> achievement [...]. In the years after the Civil<br />

War, recognition was simply a gentle way <strong>of</strong> asking for complete<br />

integration; as the American race system hardened, it increasingly<br />

came to mean inter-visitation between lodges in the manner <strong>of</strong> the<br />

colored and white churches, where ministers were able to speak at each<br />

other's meetings. With the full flowering <strong>of</strong> segregation, the <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />

definition <strong>of</strong> recognition was narrowed to a simple declaration <strong>of</strong><br />

"legitimacy" that the blacks could use in fighting the 'bogus' black<br />

Masonic organizations that sprang up all over the country and competed<br />

with the Prince Hall Fraternity for members. 89<br />

88 Cf. ibid, p. 5.<br />

89 Muraskin, p. 206. Bold print added.

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