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88 4. the successors <strong>of</strong> justinian<br />

widespread reputation for avarice. <strong>Hi</strong>s cautious attitude is evident from the<br />

inaugural speech credited to him in Corippus: ‘Let no one seize what<br />

belongs to the treasury. Know that the treasury has the position <strong>of</strong> the<br />

stomach, by which all the limbs are fed. If the stomach should be empty,<br />

everything fails . . . Let the benefits <strong>of</strong> the holy treasury be enough for all<br />

. . . Let the treasury be protected without any <strong>of</strong> the just suffering harm: let<br />

it take what is its own, and leave alone what belongs to private individuals.’ 4<br />

Justin stressed the weakened position <strong>of</strong> state finances under his predecessor,<br />

and this <strong>of</strong>ficial rhetoric underlies assessments that Justinian<br />

bequeathed his successors an empire that was internally exhausted and<br />

completely ruined financially and economically. 5 But by the end <strong>of</strong> Justin’s<br />

reign the position had been reversed, and a considerable surplus was available<br />

to Tiberius for charitable distributions, which might suggest that<br />

Justinian’s difficulties had been cyclical rather than structural.<br />

Precisely how Justin achieved this is unclear: a short-term reduction in<br />

external payments would have helped, but Justin did have to send 90,000<br />

solidi to the Persians in 568, and payments were made to the Avars from the<br />

early 570s, perhaps as much as 80,000 solidi each year, and to the Persians<br />

again from 574 after warfare in the east had restarted. Another area where<br />

expenditure may have been reduced is buildings: Justin showed concern for<br />

the state <strong>of</strong> urban defences in the east, and attempted to impose a new<br />

imperial image on Constantinople through various family monuments; 6 but<br />

even cumulatively these and his various religious benefactions will not have<br />

matched the costly repair works that Justinian had to undertake in his last<br />

decade after earthquake damage in Constantinople and tribal invasions in<br />

the Balkans.<br />

One factor in the empire’s apparent financial recovery may have been<br />

that the personal wealth <strong>of</strong> Justin, and <strong>of</strong> his relations as they died<br />

(Germanus’ sons Justin in 566, for example, and Justinian in 577) or were<br />

disgraced (Marcian, 573; Baduarius, 575), was incorporated into the imperial<br />

treasuries: this seems to have happened in the case <strong>of</strong> Justin’s brother<br />

Marcellus, whose considerable wealth was subsequently available for<br />

Maurice to bestow on his father and brother, and Justin’s personal wealth<br />

had been sufficient to repay public debts, admittedly <strong>of</strong> unknown size, at<br />

his inauguration. In this way some <strong>of</strong> the considerable benefactions <strong>of</strong><br />

Justinian’s reign to his own and Theodora’s relatives will have returned to<br />

the state. Another factor may have been a gradual recovery in the prosperity<br />

<strong>of</strong> important provinces, and hence <strong>of</strong> imperial revenues: the great<br />

plague was now a generation in the past, and rural life might not have been<br />

particularly affected by subsequent recurrences <strong>of</strong> the disease, which will<br />

4 Nov. 148; Theophanes 242.21–7; Cor. In laudem ii.249–57 with Cameron, Corippus 70.<br />

5 Ostrogorsky (1956) 78. 6 Menander fr. 9.16–19; Cameron (1980).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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