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negations <strong>of</strong> the family 409<br />

clearly very low in practical impact and very high in ideological content.<br />

From the emotional point <strong>of</strong> view, exposure was a central issue round<br />

which far too many sins and far too much wretchedness gravitated. It<br />

turned parents into putative infanticides (<strong>of</strong>ten enough the infant’s fate was<br />

death). It laid bare the macabre power <strong>of</strong> uncontrolled sexuality, <strong>of</strong> both<br />

free citizens and slaves, within and outside marriage. It disclosed the avidity<br />

<strong>of</strong> those who exploited the theoretically charitable act <strong>of</strong> taking in a child<br />

as a means <strong>of</strong> gaining ownership over a human being. Finally, it projected<br />

on to the whole <strong>of</strong> society the shame and contamination <strong>of</strong> incestuous<br />

contact, which could occur anywhere: in brothels as in lawful marriages, in<br />

the beds <strong>of</strong> concubines and adulterers alike. All things considered, the<br />

actual survival and subsequent fate <strong>of</strong> the exposed children were just one<br />

aspect <strong>of</strong> the problem, perhaps not even the most important.<br />

In the abstract, exposure was a serious crime with associations closely<br />

resembling those <strong>of</strong> infanticide. But in the vast majority <strong>of</strong> cases the<br />

<strong>of</strong>fence had compelling material causes that constituted objective conditioning.<br />

Raising these issues questioned the whole problem <strong>of</strong> responsibility:<br />

is it better to allow a child to die <strong>of</strong> hunger or to expose him in the<br />

hope that others might take him in? To differentiate the law by introducing<br />

a typology <strong>of</strong> motivations – i.e. distinguishing abandonment caused<br />

by indigence from that caused by pettier or less constrictive reasons –<br />

would have had the dual effect <strong>of</strong> undermining the moral principle that<br />

the law aimed to uphold and <strong>of</strong> disrupting the very foundations <strong>of</strong> the<br />

juridical system. Once exposure had entered the province <strong>of</strong> the law, the<br />

only option was to repress it without distinction. The material constrictions,<br />

however, doomed the laws to failure; and failure, in turn, provoked<br />

even stricter prohibitions and severer punishments. In this way, the law<br />

ended up by carrying out, almost exclusively, the functions <strong>of</strong> a moral<br />

imperative.<br />

The laws on exposure can be considered together with those on the sale<br />

<strong>of</strong> infants and the locatio <strong>of</strong> children <strong>of</strong> working age. The latter was strictly<br />

speaking locatio operarum, though the laws, in view <strong>of</strong> the overall context <strong>of</strong><br />

relationships <strong>of</strong> dependence, sometimes represented it and classified it as<br />

a sale. 65 The legislation thus responded to a need constantly referred to in<br />

late antique legislation: that <strong>of</strong> preserving the family nucleus. In other<br />

words, in situations <strong>of</strong> long-term economic difficulty the break-up <strong>of</strong> the<br />

family could be prevented by the temporary cession <strong>of</strong> a child. The relinquished<br />

child, who would then be housed in the domus <strong>of</strong> a proprietor<br />

sufficiently rich to be able to rent labour, would surely be no worse <strong>of</strong>f than<br />

before. The possibility <strong>of</strong> a subsequent return to the nuclear family could<br />

also have a dissuasive effect on exposure.<br />

65 Humbert (1983).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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