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artistic evidence and its interpretation 891<br />

three angels represent the Trinity and the symbolic meal <strong>of</strong> bread and wine<br />

foretelling the eucharist (which was celebrated in the church itself on the<br />

altar in the sanctuary area below the mosaic). Neither <strong>of</strong> the cycles is a<br />

simple narrative.<br />

The decorators <strong>of</strong> the mosaics have also developed their means <strong>of</strong><br />

expression far beyond the conventions <strong>of</strong> the manuscripts <strong>of</strong> the period,<br />

and they have reacted to the problems <strong>of</strong> a monumental environment.<br />

They had to make the scenes somehow visible to the audience despite their<br />

height above the colonnade and despite the difficulties <strong>of</strong> viewing which<br />

result from daylight shining through windows. The use <strong>of</strong> gold around the<br />

figures was one response to such problems; it was a device which succeeded<br />

in marking and highlighting the principal figures, while at the same time<br />

giving them increased symbolic status by their penumbra <strong>of</strong> gold. Making<br />

the imagery visible had its spin-<strong>of</strong>fs, too. This treatment <strong>of</strong> the scene <strong>of</strong><br />

Abraham and the three angels can be compared with another rendering in<br />

the mosaics in San Vitale in Ravenna over a century later. Here the artists<br />

have again explored and refined visual strategies to make the scene readable<br />

from the floor <strong>of</strong> the church (perhaps after study <strong>of</strong> the S. Maria<br />

Maggiore panel itself). In Ravenna a more linear style and an increase in the<br />

size and scale <strong>of</strong> the figures as they are placed higher on the wall have<br />

solved the viewing problems. In these churches, the mosaics were set<br />

tessera by tessera directly and pragmatically on the walls – not in the studio<br />

or in front <strong>of</strong> manuscripts – and the skills <strong>of</strong> presentation derive from<br />

experience gained in the monuments.<br />

In the face <strong>of</strong> an art-historical literature which has in general emphasized<br />

broad-scale change but failed to <strong>of</strong>fer any consensus on what that change<br />

was or how it can be described or explained, it is likely that style history<br />

must in future be more closely aligned with the indications <strong>of</strong> history and<br />

literature. If decline is to be replaced by a meaningful notion <strong>of</strong> transformation,<br />

we shall need to be aware <strong>of</strong> the formalistic contribution but also<br />

to go beyond its limitations and accept that we are seeing a religious art<br />

under development. 15 Although there are collections <strong>of</strong> texts about art in<br />

this period (notably by C. Mango and C. Davis-Weyer), 16 the implications<br />

for the history <strong>of</strong> art <strong>of</strong> such evocative authors at Paulinus <strong>of</strong> Nola,<br />

Corippus, Procopius, Choricius <strong>of</strong> Gaza and Gregory <strong>of</strong> Tours (among<br />

others) have been more signalled than explored by art historians.<br />

The aim <strong>of</strong> this chapter is to cover the special and distinctive arthistorical<br />

features <strong>of</strong> the period from 425 to 600, which does <strong>of</strong>fer an<br />

identifiable phase in the history <strong>of</strong> art, even if it lacks an agreed label. It is<br />

a time replete with major works and innovations, which established the<br />

15 Elsner (1995) exploits the primary literature more than Mathews (1993); for a critical review <strong>of</strong><br />

Mathews, see P. Brown in the Art Bulletin 77 (1995) 499–502.<br />

16 Davis-Weyer (1971) and Mango (1972).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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