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420 15. family and friendship in the west<br />

to divest itself <strong>of</strong> family possessions may, therefore, be taken as illustrative<br />

<strong>of</strong> the normal endorsement <strong>of</strong> those aspects <strong>of</strong> aristocratic or propertied<br />

life.<br />

Land could and did pass through both the male and the female line. This<br />

is clear enough at the beginning <strong>of</strong> the fifth century from the case <strong>of</strong><br />

Melania, and more generally from the evidence <strong>of</strong> the Theodosian Code. 33<br />

It is also implied by what we know <strong>of</strong> the estates held by the family <strong>of</strong><br />

Gregory <strong>of</strong> Tours in the sixth century. After his father’s death Gregory and<br />

his mother lived on their estates in the Auvergne and Burgundy. 34 The<br />

Auvergnat estates are likely to have come from Gregory’s father, but the<br />

Burgundian lands must have been in the possession <strong>of</strong> Gregory’s maternal<br />

kin. It is not, therefore, surprising that the evidence suggests that kin<br />

groups were essentially cognatic – that is, that maternal relatives had considerable<br />

significance – even if modern reconstructions <strong>of</strong> family trees<br />

tend to emphasize the paternal line. Indeed, the most famous late Roman<br />

family <strong>of</strong> all, the Anicii, died out in the male line in the course <strong>of</strong> the fourth<br />

century, and the name was passed on through the female line. 35 Moreover,<br />

although sixth-century Gallo-Roman families have been accorded such<br />

names as Apollinares, Aviti and Ruricii, there is very little evidence that such<br />

appellations were commonly used in Gaul after the fifth century. While it<br />

is true that patterns <strong>of</strong> name-giving can be established for various families,<br />

most individuals in the sixth century are referred to by a single name only,<br />

even when they are known to have had more than one. All in all, while it is<br />

<strong>of</strong>ten possible to reconstruct a patrilineal gens, this was not the only way <strong>of</strong><br />

categorizing the family in the sub-Roman west.<br />

The clearest assessment <strong>of</strong> matrilineal and patrilineal kin comes from<br />

Sidonius Apollinaris. Writing to his friend Aper he says that ‘In any statement<br />

<strong>of</strong> one’s genealogy the father’s side takes a privileged position; nevertheless,<br />

we owe a great deal to our mothers as well; for it is not right that<br />

some slighter honour should be given to the truth that we were our<br />

mother’s burden than to the fact that we are our father’s seed.’ 36 Sidonius<br />

goes on to describe Aper as the scion <strong>of</strong> the families <strong>of</strong> both his parents,<br />

and celebrated his joint origins in the Auvergne and the Autunois. 37 It was<br />

doubtless easier to present both sides <strong>of</strong> the family as significant because<br />

<strong>of</strong> the social status <strong>of</strong> Aper’s maternal kin. Most aristocrats <strong>of</strong> the fifth and<br />

sixth century, however, appear to have married within their own social<br />

group. Again, a glance at the genealogies which have been reconstructed<br />

for the period reveals how intertwined were those families about whom<br />

33 C.Th. viii.18 (see also ii.24.2; v.1.5; viii.19.1; ix.14.3; ix.42.1; xvi.5.7), ed. T. Mommsen, 2nd edn<br />

(Berlin 1954). 34 Wood (1994) 8. 35 Demandt (1989) 82.<br />

36 Sid. Ap. Ep. 4.21.1, trans. Anderson.<br />

37 Sid. Ap. Ep. 4.21.2. For Sidonius’ own maternal kin, see Harries (1994) 31; for similar attitudes<br />

already in Pliny, see Garnsey and Saller (1987) 128, 141.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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