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472 17. armies and society in the later roman world<br />

would be eliminated when abandoned by his military backers, as Gundovald<br />

discovered at St Bertrand-de-Comminges in 585; an ambitious heir like<br />

Chramn might even attempt to pre-empt his father’s death by carving out a<br />

personal kingdom. Lombard Italy was another society whose political<br />

superstructure was dominated by its military nobility: after the deaths <strong>of</strong><br />

Alboin and Cleph, the nobles decided to do without a king for ten years until<br />

military needs led them to proclaim Cleph’s son, Authari, in 584. 7<br />

Ostrogothic Italy during Theoderic’s long reign might appear more civilized<br />

and civilian than other kingdoms, but this was an impression deliberately<br />

fostered by the regime and propagated to its civilian Italian subjects<br />

by its spokesman, Cassiodorus. Theoderic seems to have appreciated the<br />

benefits <strong>of</strong> cultivating the non-military ingredients <strong>of</strong> royal power, perhaps<br />

in imitation <strong>of</strong> contemporary developments at Constantinople, but his<br />

daughter Amalasuintha’s attempts to give her son Athalaric a Roman education<br />

were frustrated, since the majority <strong>of</strong> Goths were not prepared to<br />

move so rapidly from the traditional warlike ethos <strong>of</strong> their society.<br />

Theoderic had never forgotten the military basis <strong>of</strong> his position, as is indicated<br />

by his concern, like a Persian monarch, to ensure that his military subordinates<br />

attended court regularly to receive the king’s gifts. 8 After his<br />

death, Amal authority quickly disintegrated, to reveal the fragility <strong>of</strong> the<br />

dynastic aspects <strong>of</strong> his power. Theodahad could rely on disgruntled<br />

members <strong>of</strong> the nobility in his manoeuvres against Amalasuintha, and,<br />

after his own military ineptitude became clear in the early stages <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Byzantine reconquest, the Goths chose a sequence <strong>of</strong> warriors as kings:<br />

Vitigis, Ildibad, Eraric (who indeed was Rugian rather than Goth),Totila<br />

and Teias.<br />

The military units which helped influence the choice <strong>of</strong> royal or imperial<br />

master also enhanced the standing <strong>of</strong> their commanders, so that<br />

warfare was an important determinant <strong>of</strong> social prominence. The fifth<br />

century appears as a period <strong>of</strong> warlords and kingmakers in both halves <strong>of</strong><br />

the empire. For two decades the west was dominated by the patrician and<br />

magister militum Aetius. Although his father Gaudentius held military<br />

command, it was Aetius’ personal connections with sources <strong>of</strong> troops that<br />

made him important: Huns, recruited perhaps through contacts established<br />

while serving as a hostage, permitted him to survive his involvement<br />

with the usurper John and various later mishaps; he may also have annexed<br />

the followers <strong>of</strong> his rival Boniface, whose wife and estates he certainly took<br />

over. Aetius’ career as military protector <strong>of</strong> Valentinian III appeared to<br />

achieve the dream <strong>of</strong> many late Roman soldiers – namely, marriage into the<br />

imperial family – when his son Gaudentius was betrothed to Valentinian’s<br />

7 Wood, Merovingian Kingdoms 56–60; Bachrach (1972) 31; Wickham (1981) 30–2.<br />

8 Heather (1995b).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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